Journal articles: 'Whig Party (N.H.)' – Grafiati (2024)

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“And now the new system of government came into being. For the first time since the accession of the House of Hanover, the Tory party was in the ascendant.” So wrote Lord Macaulay concerning the early years of George III's reign. In Macaulay's essay on the earl of Chatham one can find all the elements of the Whig myth of the reign of George III. Most of these ideas have been safely laid to rest by Sir Lewis Namier and modern research; we now know that there was neither a new system of government at the accession of the king nor anything resembling a Tory party. George III was not the tyrant depicted in the Declaration of Independence, there was no plot in the imagined cabinet of “king's friends” to overthrow the constitution, and when, with respect to the colonies, the king declared that he would abide by the decision of his Parliament, he was taking a stand on the side of Whig principles and the Revolution Settlement.One element in the putative resurgence of Toryism that Macaulay and other Whig historians emphasized was High-Anglican political theology. G. H. Guttridge, for example, in his English Whiggism and the American Revolution (1942) well understood the differences between the Toryism of the period of the American Revolution and that of the earlier century. Tories had come to accept the Revolution Settlement, the Hanoverian succession, and even “a modicum of religious toleration.” But if they had lost the bloom of monarchical sentiment, they retained the concept of a state unified above sectional and party interests. Guttridge's formulas were admittedly too simplistic and they justly invited criticism, but one of the overlooked merits of his work was that he located the continuity of conservative thought in its religious aspect. He observed that, “Standing for the two great Tory principles, national unity and a religious sanction for the established order, the Church of England was the central institution of Toryism—the state in its religious aspect, and the divine principle in monarchical government.” The demolition of the Whig interpretation, however, has resulted in a thorough-going neglect of political discourse, and several notable examples of this deconstruction bear directly upon Anglican political thought. In his introduction to the History of Parliament John Brooke wrote that during the American Revolution the Anglican clergy in England had no specific attitude toward the war or any other aspect of government policy. When the reprint of G. H. Guttridge's essay appeared in 1963, Ian Christie wrote a vigorous rebuttal to the idea of a revival of Toryism in the early part of George III's reign without a single reference to the Anglican Church.

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Ever since J. H. Plumb published his Ford Lectures, The Growth of Political Stability in England, 1679-1725 (1966), the topic of political stability has gripped the attention of England’s early modern historians. In particular Plumb’s characterization of the politics of 1679-1722 as “The Rage of Party” was refined by Geoffrey Holmes, whose British Politics in the Age of Anne ushered in a variety of studies of political warfare in what has come to be known as The First Age of Party. These and succeeding works have elaborated and confirmed the existence of deep and severe differences between Whig and Tory partisans, differences renewing animosities extending back to the Civil Wars and generating a self-perpetuating struggle for power. The consequences of this “rage of party” for the formation and execution of policy were daunting. In particular party rage placed three important restrictions on the executive’s room for maneuver. By rendering all political alliances unstable, partisanship limited the ability of the governments of William and Anne to operate as combinations of the parties. Partisanship also put all government servants under the constant threat of defending their conduct from year to year. And partisanship dictated certain policy options while frustrating others.

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AbstractThe problem of detecting network structures plays a central role in distributed computing. One of the fundamental problems studied in this area is to determine whether for a given graph H, the input network contains a subgraph isomorphic to H or not. We investigate this problem for H being a clique $$K_{\ell }$$ K ℓ in the classical distributed model, where the communication topology is the same as the topology of the underlying network, and with limited communication bandwidth on the links. Our first and main result is a lower bound, showing that detecting $$K_{\ell }$$ K ℓ requires $$\varOmega (\sqrt{n} / {\mathfrak {b}})$$ Ω ( n / b ) communication rounds, for every $$4 \le \ell \le \sqrt{n}$$ 4 ≤ ℓ ≤ n , and $$\varOmega (n / (\ell {\mathfrak {b}}))$$ Ω ( n / ( ℓ b ) ) rounds for every $$\ell \ge \sqrt{n}$$ ℓ ≥ n , where $${\mathfrak {b}}$$ b is the bandwidth of the communication links. This result is obtained by using a reduction to the set disjointness problem in the framework of two-party communication complexity. We complement our lower bound with a two-party communication protocol for listing all cliques in the input graph, which up to constant factors communicates the same number of bits as our lower bound for $$K_4$$ K 4 detection. This demonstrates that our lower bound cannot be improved using the two-party communication framework.

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Let H be a graph with the chromatic number h and the chromatic surplus s. A connected graph G of order n is called H-good if R(G, H) = (n - 1)(h - 1) + s. In this paper, we show that Pn is 2Km-good for n ≥ 3. Furthermore, we obtain the Ramsey number R(L, 2Km), where L is a linear forest. Moreover, we also give the Ramsey number R(L, Hm) which is an extension for R(kPn, Hm) proposed by Ali et al. [1], where Hm is a co*cktail party graph on 2m vertices.

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So, on 22 July 1865 (p. 32), under the title ‘Philosophy and Punch’, did England's premier comic weekly greet the election of J. S. Mill as MP for Westminster. Mill held his seat for only one term, until the general election of 1868, when his Whig-Liberal colleague Robert Wellesley Grosvenor was re-elected, but Mill was replaced by the loser in 1865, the Conservative W. H. Smith, Jr., who, though he never went to sea, became the ruler of the Queen's navy. The reasons for that reversal have engaged the attention of many, including Mill himself; I should like to introduce into the discussion material from an ignored source, the comic weeklies, which took a continued and close look at Mill's behaviour during his parliamentary years. While this evidence generally does not disconfirm earlier judgments—including my own— it does more than merely add to the induction. First, it shows how different political stances led journals to focus on different aspects of Mill's parliamentary career, and to adopt different rhetorical strategies in portraying him in picture and word. Second, it demonstrates how the hardening of party allegiances during the parliament of 1865–68, which accelerated in the preparatory campaigns for the general election of 1868, affected Mill adversely. Third, it suggests strongly that it was not his ‘crotchets’ or ‘whims’, especially women's suffrage and proportional representation, that damaged his chances for re-election, but his advocacy of causes unpopular with the majority of Liberals as well as with Conservatives.

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Abstract Graft-versus-host disease (GVHD) is driven by extensive activation and proliferation of alloreactive donor T cells causing significant morbidity and mortality following allogeneic hematopoietic cell transplantation (HCT). Invariant natural killer T (iNKT) cells are potent regulators of immune responses in both humans (TCRα Vα24-Jα18) and mice (TCRα Vα14-Jα18). As the iNKT cell receptor and the glycolipid-presenting molecule CD1d interaction is highly conserved, we explored the role of adoptively transferred third party CD4+ iNKT cells in a murine model of allogeneic HCT. BALB/c (H-2Kd) recipient mice were irradiated with 8 Gy and transplanted with T cell-depleted bone marrow together with 1x106 CD4+/CD8+ T cells (Tcon) from C57BL/6 (H-2Kb) donor mice. Adoptive transfer of purified (>95%) 5x104 CD4+ iNKT cells from FVB/N (H-2Kq) third party mice resulted in a significant survival benefit (p<0.001) while retaining Tcon mediated graft-versus-tumor (GVT) effects against A20 lymphoma cells (p=0.002). Consistently, weight and GVHD scores improved in mice that received a single injection of third party CD4+ iNKT cells as compared to animals that received Tcon alone. Notably, CD4+ iNKT cells from third party mice were as protective as CD4+ iNKT cells from donor mice (p=0.50). Signal intensity deriving from expanding luciferase expressing alloreactive Tcon was significantly lower in animals treated with third party CD4+ iNKT cells (p=0.003). Interestingly, inhibition of Tcon proliferation was similar to animals that received CD4+ iNKT cells from donor mice (p=0.90). In addition, adoptive transfer of third party CD4+ iNKT cells promoted a Th2-biased cytokine response of alloreactive donor T cells. Although we found that third party CD4+ iNKT cells were rejected by day +10 after allogeneic HCT, adoptive transfer of these cells resulted in a robust expansion of luciferase expressing donor CD4+FoxP3+ regulatory T cells (Treg) as measured by bioluminescence imaging (p=0.006). Using FoxP3DTR C57BL/6 donor mice, depletion of Treg from the graft abrogated both donor Treg expansion and protection from GVHD lethality through third party CD4+ iNKT cells. We conclude that low numbers of highly purified and adoptively transferred third party CD4+ iNKT cells protect from lethal GVHD through activation and expansion of donor Treg with retained GVT effects. Despite the fact that iNKT cells are a rare cell population, the in vivo activity of small numbers of cells and feasibility of in vitro expansion provide the basis for clinical translation. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

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In 1868 Ulysses S. Grant remarked that there were three great parties in the United States: the Republican, the Democratic, and the Methodist Church. This was an understandable tribute, given the active role of leading Methodists in his presidential campaign, but it was also a realistic judgment, when set in the context of the denomination's growing political authority over the previous half century. As early as 1819, when, with a quarter of a million members, “the Methodists were becoming quite numerous in the country,” the young exhorter Alfred Branson noted that “politicians… from policy favoured us, though they might be skeptical as to religion,” and gathered at county seats to listen to the preachers of a denomination whose “votes counted as fast at an election as any others.” Ten years later, the newly elected Andrew Jackson stopped at Washington, Pennsylvania, en route from Tennessee to his presidential inauguration. When both Presbyterians and Methodists invited him to attend their services, Old Hickory sought to avoid the political embarrassment of seeming to favor his own church over the fastest-growing religious movement in the country by attending both—the Presbyterians in the morning and the Methodists at night. In Indiana in the early 1840s the church's growing power led the Democrats to nominate for governor a known Methodist, while tarring their Whig opponents with the brush of sectarian bigotry. Nationally, as the combined membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church [MEC] and Methodist Episcopal Church, South [MECS] grew to over one and a half million by the mid-1850s, denominational leaders could be found complaining that the church was so strong that each political party was “eager to make her its tool.” Thus Elijah H. Pilcher, the influential Michigan preacher, found himself in 1856 nominated simultaneously by state Democratic, Republican, and Abolition conventions.

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ABSTRACT The objective of this study was to develop and assess the efficacy of an aggressive deep cleaning sanitation standard operating procedure (DC-SSOP) in nine retail delicatessens to reduce persistent Listeria monocytogenes environmental contamination. The DC-SSOP was developed from combined daily SSOPs recommended by the Food Marketing Institute and input from experts in Listeria control from food manufacturing and sanitation. The DC-SSOP was executed by a trained professional cleaning service during a single 12-h shutdown period. A modified protocol from the U.S. Food and Drug Administration Bacteriological Analytical Manual was used to detect L. monocytogenes in samples from 28 food and nonfood contact surfaces that were collected immediately before and after each cleaning and in samples collected monthly for 3 months. The DC-SSOP significantly reduced L. monocytogenes prevalence overall during the 3-month follow-up period and produced variable results for persistent L. monocytogenes isolates. Six delis with historically low to moderate L. monocytogenes prevalence had no significant changes in the number of samples positive for L. monocytogenes after deep cleaning. Deep cleaning in very high prevalence delis (20 to 30% prevalence) reduced L. monocytogenes by 25.6% (Padj &lt; 0.0001, n = 294) overall during the follow-up period. Among delis with extremely high prevalence (&gt;30%), positive samples from nonfood contact surfaces were reduced by 19.6% (Padj = 0.0002, n = 294) during the follow-up period. The inability of deep cleaning to completely eliminate persistent L. monocytogenes was likely due to the diverse infrastructures in each deli, which may require more individualized intervention strategies.

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Abstract Natural CD4+CD25+ regulatory T cells (Treg) contribute to tolerance induction after transplantation. We previously showed that the adoptive transfer of donor-derived Treg cells prevents lethal graft-versus-host disease (GVHD) after allogeneic bone marrow transplantation (BMT) in murine disease models. In contrast, host-type Treg cells failed to protect when co-transplanted under identical conditions. We now examined whether MHC compatibility between Treg cells and conventional CD25−CD4+ and CD8+ T cells (Tconv) is required for the suppression of alloresponses, or whether elimination of host-type Treg by allo-aggressive donor Tconv cells occurred. To address this issue, mixed lymphocyte reactions were performed in which CFSE-labelled responder T cells (Tresp), Treg cells and antigen presenting cells (APC) were systematically varied with regard to their MHC haplotype. When BALB/c (H-2d) Tresp cells were stimulated with mixed BALB/c and C57BL/6 (H-2b) APC, cultures contained 26.0 ± 3.1% and 86.2 ± 2.2% proliferating CD4+ and CD8+ T cells, respectively, on 6 d. In the presence of syngeneic BALB/c Treg cells, proliferation was decreased to 9.1 ± 4.7% and 25.1 ± 4.9% for CD4+ and CD8+ Tresp cells, respectively. In contrast, in cultures with allogeneic C57BL/6 Treg cells, proliferation remained at 22.1 ± 1.8% for CD4+ and 89.6 ± 0.4% for CD8+ Tresp cells. Comparable results were obtained with C57BL/6 Tresp cells after stimulation with F1 (C57BL/6 × BALB/c; H-2b/d) or 3rd party (DBA/1; H-2q) APC. Lack of suppression in co-cultures of MHC-mismatched Tresp and Treg cells was not caused by an early elimination of allogeneic Treg cells, as those were still detectable after 6 d of allostimulation. In corresponding in vivo studies, CB6F1 or DBA/1 recipients were protected from lethal GVHD only when Tconv and Treg cells were derived from MHC-identical donors, but not when they were from two MHC-disparate strains. Transplantation of 1 × 106 C57BL/6 Tconv cells resulted in 100% lethality of CB6F1 recipients by d56. When co-transplanted with 1 × 106 C57BL/6 Treg cells, all recipients survived for 100d, whereas only 40% survived after co-transfer of the same number of BALB/c Treg (n = 15; p = 0.004). Similarly, when 1 × 106 BALB/c Tconv cells were transplanted into CB6F1 recipients, all animals died from GVHD by d46. In contrast, all recipients of BALB/c Tconv and Treg cells (ratio1:1) survived for 100d, but only 10% of recipient mice survived after co-transfer of C57BL/6 Treg (n = 10; p < 0.001). Similar results were obtained after BALB/c and C57BL/6 T cell transfer into DBA/1 (3rd party) recipients. In conclusion, these data indicate that MHC-identity between Tconv and Treg cells is required for maximum suppression of an alloresponse and that Treg cells isolated from a 3rd party donor might not be suited for the prevention of GVHD after allogeneic BMT.

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Abstract Abstract 2279 Over the years, Bcr-Abl kinase domain (KD) mutation analysis has been more and more extensively applied in Philadelphia-positive (Ph+) patients (pts) resistant to tyrosine kinase inhibitors (TKIs) to assist clinicians in therapeutic decisions. We reviewed the database recording the results of mutation analyses performed in our laboratory from January 2004 to June 2010. Overall, 2996 Bcr-Abl KD mutation screening tests were successfully performed by denaturing-high performance liquid chromatography (D-HPLC) and/or direct sequencing of the Bcr-Abl KD (residues 206–524). The total pts analyzed were 1139 (CML, n=1005; Ph+ ALL, n=134); the number of tests per patient ranged from 1 to 14. One hundred and ninety-one tests on 148 pts were performed in 2004, 391 tests on 214 pts in 2005, 469 tests on 217 pts in 2006, 521 tests on 241 in 2007, 536 tests on 301 pts in 2008 and 576 tests on 311pts in 2009. Overall, 869/2996 tests (29%) yielded a positive result. In 91/869 (10.5%) cases, D-HPLC showed evidence of sequence variations below the lower detection limit of sequencing; in the remaining 778 cases mutations could be characterized – a single mutation was detected in 646 (83%) cases, 2 mutations in 95 (12%) cases, 3 mutations in 25 (3%) cases, 4 or more mutations in 12 (2%) cases. In those pts for whom a longitudinal analysis was performed, 2 or more mutations accumulated as a consequence of multiple lines of therapy in 69% of cases, while in the remaining cases they concomitantly emerged under the same TKI. In 8 (10%) cases, small insertions or deletions were detected (Δ248-274 in 4 cases). Silent mutations were detected in 32 cases, either alone (11 cases) or in association with missense mutations. The K247R polymorphism was detected in 3 pts only. Five hundred and seventy-seven pts were analyzed at the time of resistance to imatinib (IM), 94 at the time of resistance to a 2nd TKI, 34 at the time of resistance to a 3rd TKI. In the IM-resistant setting, the ten most frequently detected mutations were F359V (13.4% of pts), M351T (12.3%), M244V (12.3%), H396R (10.3%), G250E (8.2%), E355G/D (8.2%), E255K/V (6.1%), Y253F/H (6.1%), T315I (4.1%), F317L (4.1%) in chronic phase (CP) CML pts; T315I (15.6%), G250E (13.7%), M351T (9.8%), E255K (7.8%), Y253F/H (7.8%), M244V (7.8%), Q252R/H (5.8%), H396R/P (5.8%), L384M (3.9%), F359V (3.9%) in myeloid blast crisis (BC) CML pts; and E255K/V (16.6%), T315I (16.6%), Y253F/H (15.2%), G250E (12.5%), M244V (8.3%), Q252R/H (5.5%), M351T (4.1%), L248V (2.7%), F359V (2.7%), D276G (2.7%) in lymphoid BC CML/Ph+ ALL pts. In the CP CML setting, 102 pts were analyzed because of strictly defined failure to 1st-line IM according to the 2006 ELN recommendations. Thirty-two (31%) were positive for mutations; only one had a T315I. Ninety-nine out of 128 (77%) CML and Ph+ ALL pts who were reported to be resistant to a 2nd or a 3rd TKI (either nilotinib or dasatinib) were positive for one or more mutations. The ten most frequent ones were T315I (30.3% of pts), F317L (16.2%), Y253H (16.2%), F359V (7.1%), V299L (7.1%), E255K (6.1%), E255V (5.1%), F359I (4%), T315A (3%), F359C (2%) – either alone (56% of pts), combined (29%), or together with other mutations (15%). Preferential associations between mutations were observed. Eighty-five CP CML pts on IM were analyzed because of increasing Bcr-Abl transcript levels, including 61 pts who experienced ≥1-log increase without loss of major molecular response (MMR) and 24 pts who experienced ≥1-log increase leading to loss of MMR (but not of complete cytogenetic response). Mutations were identified in 2/61 (3%) and 3/24 (12.5%) pts, respectively. Forty-four CP CML pts (Low Sokal, n=14; Intermediate Sokal, n=15; High Sokal, n=15) were screened for mutations at the time of diagnosis, including 21 pts who later relapsed with evidence of mutations. Only 1 High Sokal risk patient scored positive for a mutation at diagnosis (Y342C); at the time of relapse, however, the mutation had disappeared and an M244V was instead detectable. Fifty-five Ph+ ALL pts were analyzed at the time of diagnosis. D-HPLC showed evidence of mutations in 3 (5%) pts, but they were all below the lower detection limit of sequencing. All 3 pts later relapsed with KD mutations (T315I). Additional sub-analyses will be presented. Our seven-year experience in a large series of pts sheds further light on the frequency and clinical relevance of Bcr-Abl KD mutations in the IM and in the 2nd generation TKI era. Supported by ELN, AIL and PRIN. Disclosures: Rosti: Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; BMS: Consultancy, Honoraria. Baccarani: NOVARTIS: Honoraria; BRISTOL MYERS SQUIBB: Honoraria. Martinelli: Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; BMS: Consultancy, Honoraria; Pfizer: Consultancy.

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In Claim 4, one of several in Case No. Bl before the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal, claimant, the Islamic Republic of Iran, sought to recover from the United States possession of certain military equipment that had been sold to Iran pursuant to contracts forming part of the U.S. “Foreign Military Sales” (FMS) program. In the alternative, Iran sought compensation from the United States in the amount of U.S. $143,290,948, plus interest, for the alleged replacement value of the property at issue. In this partial award, the Full Tribunal held: that the United States was not obliged to deliver the equipment and that Iran’s request for specific performance must be denied, but that the United States was still required to compensate Iran for the value of the properties as of March 26, 1981, the date the United States communicated its decision not to permit their export to Iran. The Tribunal did not make an award of damages at this stage, since neither party had provided evidence as to the value of the goods on that date. American Arbitrators Howard H. Holtzmann and Charles N. Brower each filed an opinion concurring in part and dissenting in pArt. The three Iranian arbitrators concurred in the award, but without filing an opinion.

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Abstract Chimerism induces tolerance to organ and tissue grafts. Although the toxicity of conditioning has been significantly reduced with nonmyeloablative approaches, it would be beneficial to further reduce the intensity of conditioning in organ transplant recipients. Studies in normal mice and autoimmune NOD mice have revealed that the primary role for conditioning is to control host-versus-graft alloreactivity, allowing for immune-based conditioning to establish chimerism. Recent insights into the mechanism of interaction and crossregulation between innate and adaptive immune responses have led to the development of new approaches for immune-based conditioning. We previously demonstrated that preconditioning of diabetes-prone NOD mice with anti-CD8 monoclonal antibody (mAb) combined with anti-CD154 mAb allowed chimerism to be established with 550 cGy total body irradiation (TBI). Here we investigated whether combined costimulatory blockade can improve the nonmyeloablative regimen and enhance bone marrow chimerism in autoimmune recipients. Prediabetic NOD (H-2d) mice were treated with anti-CD8 antibody (day -3). After 500 cGy TBI (day 0), recipient NOD mice were transplanted with 30 × 106 B10.BR (H-2k) bone marrow cells (day 0) and received anti-CD154, anti-OX40L, and anti- inducible co-stimulatory molecule (ICOS) mAbs intraperitoneally (IP) (day 0, 1, 2, 3). Chimerism and multilineage analysis were quantitated by flow cytometry. Chimeric animals produced multilineage donor chimerism. While 18 prediabetic NOD mice demonstrated an average PB chimerism of ~37% at 1 month and 61% engraftment, 15 of 18 mice lost PB chimerism by 6 months. NOD mice were then transplanted with B10.BR donor skin grafts 1 month post BM transplant. Flow cytometry cross-match assays were performed to detect anti-donor antibody (Ab) in the sera collected 1 month post skin grafting. 44% of chimeric NOD mice (n=9) accepted their skin grafts for over 90 days, while 100% of non-chimeric animals (n=4) rejected their grafts within 60 days. NOD mice transplanted with B10.BR skin grafts alone rejected their grafts within 2 weeks and generated significantly higher levels of donor-specific Abs (mean fluorescence intensity: 251.2 ± 61.5, P&lt;0.0001, n=6) compared to chimeric NOD (4.5 ± 0.6, P&lt;0.0005, n=17) or non-chimeric NOD (12.6 ± 2.4, P&lt;0.0005, n=10). Both chimeric NOD and non-chimeric NOD mice transplanted with 3rd party B6 skin grafts rejected their grafts within 30 days. These results suggest that rejection of skin grafts in chimeric and nonchimeric animals is not associated with anti-donor antibody generation in preconditioned animals. Studies are currently underway to determine if impaired generation of effector/memory T cells (CD44high/CD62Llow/−) is responsible for enhanced engraftment and to determine the potential mechanisms that promote tolerance in prediabetic NOD mice after loss of PB chimerism.

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Problem setting. Сompensation for damages is one of the main ways to restore the infringed right. Despite the fact that a large number of studies are devoted to the content-related and terminological definition of the category of “damages”, the legislation governing the issue of damages is imperfect, the judicial practice in resolving disputes over their compensation is ambiguous. Analysis of recent researches and publications. The issue of content-related and terminological definition of the category of “damages” was studied by legal scholars in different ways. Fundamental research in this area was conducted by O. Ioffe, H. Matvieiev, B. Antimonov, N. Maliein, V. Maslov, F. Rabinovich, V.Raikher, L.Baranova, D.Krasnikov, Т. Krysan and other scientists. Target of research. The aim of the paper is a comprehensive study and analysis of the content and terminology of the category “damages”, their composition and correlation with the concept of “loss”. To achieve this goal it is necessary to solve the following tasks: 1) to investigate the content and terminology of the category of “damages” and their composition; 2) to correlate the concept of “damages” and the concept of “loss”. Article’s main body. The article provides a comprehensive study and analysis of the content and terminology of the category “damages”, their composition and correlation with the concept of “loss”. The author analyzes the current legislation regarding its unity in the terminology of certain types of damages. The issue of costs associated with the conclusion and execution of the contract, the breach of terms of which led to losses in the relevant party (costs-losses and other costs) is analysed. Conclusions and prospects for the development. The concepts of “damages” and “loss” (“property damage”) should be correlated taking into consideration the compensatory function of Civil law. The current legislation contains some inconsistencies regarding the terminological designation of types of damages. This drawback needs to be eliminated by amending the relevant regulations. All costs associated with the conclusion and performance of the contract, non-compliance with the terms of which led to losses in the relevant party, can be divided into two groups of costs-losses and other costs.

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Problem setting. Сompensation for damages is one of the main ways to restore the infringed right. Despite the fact that a large number of studies are devoted to the content-related and terminological definition of the category of “damages”, the legislation governing the issue of damages is imperfect, the judicial practice in resolving disputes over their compensation is ambiguous. Analysis of recent researches and publications. The issue of content-related and terminological definition of the category of “damages” was studied by legal scholars in different ways. Fundamental research in this area was conducted by O. Ioffe, H. Matvieiev, B. Antimonov, N. Maliein, V. Maslov, F. Rabinovich, V.Raikher, L.Baranova, D.Krasnikov, Т. Krysan and other scientists. Target of research. The aim of the paper is a comprehensive study and analysis of the content and terminology of the category “damages”, their composition and correlation with the concept of “loss”. To achieve this goal it is necessary to solve the following tasks: 1) to investigate the content and terminology of the category of “damages” and their composition; 2) to correlate the concept of “damages” and the concept of “loss”. Article’s main body. The article provides a comprehensive study and analysis of the content and terminology of the category “damages”, their composition and correlation with the concept of “loss”. The author analyzes the current legislation regarding its unity in the terminology of certain types of damages. The issue of costs associated with the conclusion and execution of the contract, the breach of terms of which led to losses in the relevant party (costs-losses and other costs) is analysed. Conclusions and prospects for the development. The concepts of “damages” and “loss” (“property damage”) should be correlated taking into consideration the compensatory function of Civil law. The current legislation contains some inconsistencies regarding the terminological designation of types of damages. This drawback needs to be eliminated by amending the relevant regulations. All costs associated with the conclusion and performance of the contract, non-compliance with the terms of which led to losses in the relevant party, can be divided into two groups of costs-losses and other costs.

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SUMMARYIn June 2016, a Salmonella enterica serovar Enteritidis outbreak (n = 56) occurred after a christening reception in Central Greece, mainly affecting previously healthy adults; one related death caused media attention. Patients suffered from profuse diarrhoea, fever and frequent vomiting episodes requiring prolonged hospitalisation and sick leave from work, with a 54% hospital admission rate. The majority of cases experienced serious illness within <12 h of attending the party. We investigated the outbreak to identify the source(s) of infection and contributing factors to the disease severity. From the retrospective cohort study, the cheesy penne pasta was the most likely vehicle of infection (relative risk 7·8; 95% confidence interval 3·6–16·8), explaining 79% of the cases. S. enterica ser. Enteritidis isolates were typed as phage-type PT8, pulsed-field gel electrophoresis type XbaI.0024, multiple locus variable-number tandem repeat analysis-type 2-9-7-3-2. The strain did not share the single-nucleotide polymorphism address of the concurrent European S. enterica ser. Enteritidis PT8 outbreak clusters. Following five consecutive years with no documented S. enterica ser. Enteritidis outbreaks in Greece, this outbreak, likely associated with a virulent strain, prompted actions towards the enhancement of the national Salmonella molecular surveillance and control programmes including the intensification of training of food handlers for preventing similar outbreaks in the future. Advanced molecular techniques were useful in distinguishing unrelated outbreak strains.

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T h e C o m m e n d a C o n t r a c t in t h e M i d d l e A g e s Summary The author of this article deals with the commenda contract in the Middle Ages. First of all he characterized the most important features of the commenda contract in Italy, because in this country it appeared already in the 10th century. One kind of the commenda contract was one-sided. The contract of this kind consisted in an agreement, in accordance with which one party invested some capital and the other contributed his enterprise. The liability of the partner who invested capital was limited only to its amount. Differently from the modern continental Kommanditgesellschaft or société en accommandite, in the one-sided contract the active partner was not liable for possible losses. This feature of the contract was connected with the fact that commenda was made for a single trade expedition, in which the risk of loss concerned the invested capital only. In the mutual commenda the partner who put into commenda the enterprise made his own material contribution which enlarged his share in the profits.The commenda spread subsequently throughout Europe. This phenomenon was supported by the general development of the lex mercatoria i.e. common merchants law, whose basic provisions were widely accepted everywhere, from Iberian Peninsula to Scandinavia. The commenda contract was popular also outside Europe, especially in the vast Islamic areas. Commenda was called there mudaraba. Similarly to Christians in Europe, Muslems used precise and, to some extent, standardized collection of legal rules concerning trade, including different kinds of companies. Even local rulers in south-eastern Asia who converted to Islam promoted Islamic trade law including mudaraba.Because of the great popularity of the commenda contract in the Middle Ages, since the middle of 19th century discussions have been conducted on the origins of this contract. It is unquestionable that commenda was already well-known in Mesopotamic societies in the times of Hammurabi. However it is not clear how commenda entered the medieval European lex mercatoria. Various scholars connect the beginnings of medieval commenda with Jewish, Islamic or Byzantine law systems. The author of this article notices that at present the arguments for Arabic beginnings of the commenda contract prevail. It is not surprising, taking into consideration that many inventions and ideas were handed down to the medieval Europe just by the Arabs.

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Abstract Background: Post transplant immune reconstitution plays a major role in determining the outcome of allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (allo-HSCT), and is currently monitored with different techniques in different Centers, with the aim of identifying clinically relevant immunological biomarkers. However, it is unclear which and how many of these immunological tests are currently performed on a routine basis, and which ones have the potential to predict patient outcome, and possibly guide patient care after allo-HSCT. Methods: The EBMT Cellular Therapy & Immunobiology Working Party (CTIWP) conducted a survey to identify current policies to monitor immune reconstitution in patients undergoing allo-HSCT and possibly reach a general consensus. This study followed the EBMT study guidelines. All EBMT Centers were invited to participate. Each participating Center received a questionnaire on the availability of specific immunomonitoring assays, specifying the use in clinical practice and/or within investigational trials. Assays were based on relatively simple and readily available parameters such as absolute lymphocyte counts (ALC) to more complex cellular and molecular tests. Moreover, the Centers were asked to define the transplant platform (HLA-identical sibling, matched unrelated donor, haploidentical and/or cord blood) on which each test is generally performed. Results: Policies for post-transplant immunomonitoring have been reported by 35 participating EBMT Centers active in 14 Countries and performing allo-HSCT from HLA identical related (35 centers), matched unrelated (33), haploidentical (34), unrelated cord blood (27). Complete blood counts and immunoglobulins are routinely tested for patients' care by all centers. Relative proportions of T cell subsets are currently tested by flow-cytometry as "standard of care" or "investigational" by 82% and 17% of centers respectively. B cell and NK cell counts are quantified routinely by 46% and 23% of Centers, and investigationally by 40% of Centers. The availability of molecular tests (STR, qPCR, Fish) to measure post-transplant engraftment are reported by all Centers, except two, as a standard of care measure. T cell receptor-expressing circles (TRECs) and/or K-deleting recombination excision circles (KRECs) are quantified within selected clinical trials by 37% of Centers. Interestingly, 60% of Centers evaluate, mostly as an investigational measure, antigen specific T cell responses by: proliferation assays (49%), interferon-gamma enzyme-linked immunospot-Elispot (49%), intracellular cytokine staining (46%) and tetramer/dextramer staining (37%). Most of these Centers test responses to Cytomegalovirus and Epstein Barr Virus, and 5 Centers use at least one of these assays on a routine basis. About half of the participating Centers (43%) commonly test antigen-specific antibodies, mainly as responses to vaccines, and not routinely. T-cell receptors (TCR) and B-cell receptors (BCR) repertoires are measured by spectratyping in 14 out of 35 Centers (4 as clinical practice and 10 in selected trials), or, in selected trials, by next generation sequencing (in 11 out of 35 the participating Centers). Conclusions: Results of this survey indicate that country- and center expertise are associated with heterogeneous and distinct protocols, and underline the clinical need to harmonize methods and to provide practical recommendations for monitoring post-transplant immune reconstitution, both for routine purposes and investigational studies. Adequate reporting and connection between individual Centers exploiting these data will foster collaborative and comparative research studies, with the ultimate goals of improving patient care and refining our understanding of the immunological correlates to clinical outcome. Acknowledgments: R. Ram, M. A. Diaz, G. McQuaker, D. Russo, E. Faber, P. Chiusolo, C. Rössig, S. M. Martin, A. Anagnostopoulos, M. Stelljes, K. Orchard, P. Jindra, A. Sampol, K. Patrick, M. A. Bekadja, J. Gayoso, A. Olivieri, J. Passweg, E. Jost, H Labussiere-Wallet, Y Koc, A. Lange, I. Garcia Cadenas, N. Kröger, A. Biondi, N. Milpied, D. Olive, E. Lanino, G. Stuhler, J.H. Dalle, J.R. Cabrera Marín, F. Ciceri, D. Uckan-Cetinkaya, R. Parody Porras, G. Kriván. Disclosures Ciceri: MolMed SpA: Consultancy. Bonini:TxCell: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Molmed SpA: Consultancy.

Abstract:

Abstract Busulfan (BU) dose adjustment following therapeutic drug concentration monitoring improves outcomes of hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (HSCT). Further improvement could be achieved through genotype-based BU dose adjustments. Studies with large and hom*ogeneous samples are essential to establish the utility of genetic factors as a predictor of BU dose and outcomes of HSCT. In this multicentric study, we included 139 children aged between 0.1 to 19.9 years (65 females) receiving BU based myeloablative conditioning regimen prior to allogeneic HSCT. Genetic predictors of BU plasma levels, dose adjustment, and clinical outcomes post HSCT were prospectively evaluated. Patients received BU in a conventional 6 h dosing schedule as a two hours infusion for four days in combination with cyclophosphamide (CY; n=106), or CY and etoposide (15) or melphalan and CY (15).The remaining patients received BU with melphalan (2) or fludarabine (1). BU first dose pharmaco*kinetic parameters (PKs) in patients were estimated and were adjusted to steady state concentrations (Css) of 600-900 ng/mL. All the patients were genotyped for defining GSTA1*A1,*A2, *B1 and *B2 haplotypes, GSTM1, GSTT1 null alleles, CYP2C9*2,*3, CYP2C19*2,*17, CYP2B6*5, *9 and GSTP1 1578A>G, GSTP1 2293 C>T polymorphisms. Standard criteria were followed for defining clinical outcomes of HSCT such as neutrophil recovery, platelet recovery, acute graft versus host disease (aGvHD), sinusoidal obstruction syndrome (SOS), event-free survival (EFS), non-relapse mortality (NRM), hemorrhagic cystitis (HC), and graft failure (Ther Drug Monit. 2014;36:93-9; Bone Marrow Transplant. 2013; 48:939-46; Pharmacogenomics J. 2014; 14:263-71). PKs such as BU clearance (CL), area under the curve concentration (AUC), and Css were compared among genotype groups using non-parametric tests. The PKs and genetic variants or haplotypes were also associated with the clinical outcomes individually or in combinations in both univariate and multivariate analysis. Statistical significance was set at p<0.05. Higher BU CL, and lower AUC and Css levels were seen in GSTA1*A2 carriers compared to the other patients (p<0.05). The effect was more apparent in patients with malignancies (n=86; p<0.02) and in females (n=65; p<0.01). Patients with two GSTA1*A2 copies needed a higher BU dose adjustment than the other patients (p=0.01). Higher incidences of NRM (26.1 vs 5.7 %, p<0.0001) and lower EFS in patients with BU Css above median 631.0 ng/mL (21.4 vs 55.1%, p<0.0001, 70 patients had first dose Css above 631 ng/mL) has also been documented. Higher frequency of SOS was seen in individuals with two copies of GSTA1*B haplotype (28.6 Vs 8.6%; p=0.02). Higher incidences of aGVHD grade I-IV was seen in hom*ozygous carriers of GSTA1*B haplotype (61.5 vs 30.4 %; p=0.008) and seems to be further increased in patients having also GSTP1 1578 GG genotype (75% Vs 32.2 %; p=0.006). Patients with malignancies carrying both GSTM1 and T1 null genotype had lower EFS compared to the remaining patients (n=86; 11.1 vs 59.7 %, p<0.0001). Higher incidences of HC before day 30 was seen in individuals with GSTM1 functional alleles compared to null allele carriers (n=138; 23.4 Vs 8.2 %; p=0.01) and was further potentiated through interaction with CYP2C9 (n=104; 25.7 Vs 5.8 %; p=0.004). In pediatric patients receiving conditioning regimen based on two alkylating agents with BU as one of the components, dosing algorithms for BU based on demographics and GSTA1 haplotype may improve the outcomes of HSCT. These observations also indicate that therapeutic window of BU in children might not be similar to that of adult patients especially in GSTM1 and T1 null allele carriers. This data also highlight that presence of both GSTM1 and T1 null genotypes are the independent risk factors for the occurrence of events in malignant patients receiving HSCT. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Abstract:

Abstract KRN7000 is a potent synthetic derivative of alpha-galactosylceramide and ligand for CD1d molecules expressed on antigen-presenting cells. Subsequent presentation of KRN7000 by CD1d to invariant natural killer T (iNKT) cells, a subset of natural killer T cells expressing invariant T cell receptor alpha, results in the rapid release of Th1, Th2, or immune regulatory cytokines and initiation of multiple downstream cellular events such as T cell polarization and expansion of dendritic cell subsets. Previously we have demonstrated that liposomal formulation of KRN7000 containing a model antigen induces antigen specific immune tolerance by way of regulatory dendritic cells and induction of Foxp3+ regulatory T (Treg) cells. In this study, we examined the ability of KRN7000 embedded in a liposomal bilayer (RGI-2001) to prevent acute graft-versus-host disease (aGvHD), as Tregs have been shown to have a pivotal role in regulating immune responses to alloantigens. RGI-2001 demonstrated potent activity in reducing GvHD lethality in mice that received fully mismatched bone marrow cells (BMC) and whole spleen cells (WSC). A single intravenous administration of RGI-2001 given on day 0 reproducibly demonstrated efficacy in prolonging the survival of mice relative to untreated mice in a total of 16 independent experiments using lethally-irradiated (9 Gys) Balb/c (H-2d) recipients transplanted with 5×10e6 C57BL/6 (H-2b) T cell depleted BMC with 5×10e6 or 2.5×10e6 WSC. Statistically significant prolongation by Log-rank test was observed at the doses > 1 ng/kg in mice that received 2.5×10e6 WSC, and at the doses > 10 ng/kg in those that received 5×10e6 WSC. Investigation of mice that survived greater than 100 days demonstrated multi-lineage hematopoietic reconstitution by donor derived cells. Next, we investigated the kinetics of Treg expansion following BMT using the model receiving 2.5×10e6 WSC. The results revealed significantly accelerated expansion of donor-derived Tregs in RGI-2001 treated animals as compared with untreated animals. In a representative experiment, 3–4 fold higher percentages of Foxp3+ cells were found in H-2b+CD4+ cells in RGI-2001 treated animals on day 15 post BMT as follows: untreated (n=5) vs RGI-2001 (n=5), 4.5±0.7 % vs 20.7±6.0% (spleen), 2.4±1.3% vs 10.6±5.0% (mesenteric lymph nodes) and 5.4±2.8% vs 15.7±6.0% (peripheral lymph nodes). Furthermore, allo-responses of RGI-2001 treated spleen cells were suppressed in an antigen-specific manner. Proliferation of RGI-2001 treated spleen cells was significantly reduced when stimulated with host (Balb/c) antigen presenting cells (APCs) in vitro while responsiveness to a third party (C3H) APCs remained. Based on these findings, we investigated if the second injection of RGI-2001 on day 15 could further support the expansion/maintenance of Tregs post BMT. Results demonstrated further improvement in the survival as well as clinical score of mice that received RGI-2001 treatment on both day 0 and day 15 as compared to those received the treatment only on day 0. Taken together, these results strongly suggest that RGI-2001 promotes the expansion of donor-derived Tregs which specifically suppress T-cell responses against host alloantigens, thereby reducing the GvHD lethality.

Abstract:

Teacher's abilities to understand the benefits and use of media literacy play an important role in dealing with children as digital natives. Media literacy education can be an instrument through the use of blended-learning websites to address the challenges of education in the 21st century and learning solutions during and after the Covid-19 pandemic. This study aims to figure the teacher's perspective in understanding media literacy as an instrument for implementing blended-learning in early-childhood classes. Using a qualitative approach, this study combines two types of data. Data collection involved kindergarten teachers, six people as informants who attended the interviews and twenty-six participants who filled out questionnaires. Typological data analysis was used for qualitative data as well as simple statistical analysis to calculate the percentage of teacher perspectives on questionnaires collected the pandemic. The findings show five categories from the teacher's perspective. First, about the ability to carry out website-based blended-learning and the use of technology in classrooms and distance learning is still low. It must be transformed into more creative and innovative one. Encouraging teacher awareness of the importance of media literacy education for teachers as a more effective integrated learning approach, especially in rural or remote areas, to be the second finding. Third, national action is needed to change from traditional to blended-learning culture. Fourth, the high need for strong environmental support, such as related-party policies and competency training is the most important finding in this study. Finally, the need for an increase in the ease of access to technology use from all related parties, because the biggest impact of the Covid-19 pandemic is on ECE, which is closely related to the perspective of teachers on technology. 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Abstract:

This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. The result shows that the magazine's transformation from ideology magazine to lifestyle magazine can influence readers because there are more new readers. Whether Ummi as a media for da'wah and a women's magazine, it is still perceived by the readers to apply ideological coercion or simply provide an alternative lifestyle or consumption where religious independence is the main characteristic of the magazine. We argue that Islamic populism is mainly a medium for coercion ideology to gain tracks to power, while the poor remain as ‘floating mass’, and entrapped in many so-called 'empowerment' projects. Populism can be interpreted as a communication style in which a group of politicians considers themselves to represent the people’s interests contrasted with elite interests. Nevertheless, the populism approach is gaining momentum. Abdullah, I. (1996). Tubuh, Kesehatan, dan Struktur yang Melemahkan Wanita. Kumpulan Makalah Seminar Bulanan. Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan UGM.Al-Abani, S. M. 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Television and Sex Role Acquisition I: Content’. British Journal of Social Psycology, 24, 102-113.Effendi, B. (2003). ‘Islam Politik Pasca Suharto’. Refleksi, 5(2).El-Guindi, F. (1991). Veil, Modesty, Privacy, and Resistance. Berg.Frederick, W. H. (1982). Rhoma Irama and The Dangdut Style: Aspects of Contemporary Indonesian Popular Culture. Indonesia, 34, 103-130.Featherstone, M. (2001). The Body in Consumer Culture. In The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory. SAGE Publication.Foucault, M. (1981). The Order of Discourse. Routledge and Keagon Paul.f*ckuyama, F. (2018). Against Identity Politics. Foreign Affairs, Sptember/October, 1-25.Gough, Y. A. (2003). Understanding Women Magazine. Routledge.Gautlett, D. (2002). Media, Gender, and Identity: An Introduction. Routledge.Geetzt, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Culture. Verso.Gill, R. (2009). Mediated Intimacy and Post Feminism: a Discourse Analytic Examination of Sex and Relationship advice in Woman’s Magazine. Discourse and Communication Journal, 3(4), 345-369. https://doi.org/10.1177/1750481309343870Gramsci, A. (1992). Selection from The Prison on Notebooks. International Publisher.Gorham, B. W. (2004). The Social Psychology of Stereotypes: Implications for Media Audiences. In Race/Gender/Media: Considering Diversity Across Audiences, Content, and Producers. Pearson.Hall, S. (1997). The Work Of Representation. In Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. SAGE Publication.Handayani, D. (2014). Performatifitas Muslimah dalam Majalah Ummi. At-Tabsyir. Jurnal Komunikasi Penyiaran Islam, 2(1), 73-98. http://doi.org/10.21043/at-tabsyir.v2i1.461.Hanifah, U. (2011). Konstruksi Ideologi Gender pada Majalah Wanita (Analisis Wacana Kritis Majalah Ummi). KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunkasi, 5(2), 199-220. https://doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v5i2.170Imdadun, R. (2005). Arus Baru Iislam Radikal: Transmisi, Revivalisme Islam Timur Tengah ke Indonesiaan. Erlangga.Itzin, C.(1986). 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Abstract:

There is a disparity between expectations that the members of a community will work together for the common good — and the stark reality that human beings form into groups, or parties, to engage in conflict with each other. This is particularly the case in so-called popular governments that include some wider political involvement by the people. In ancient Greece stasis, or endemic conflict between the democratic and oligarchic elements of a city was very common. Likewise, the late Roman Republic maintained a division between the populares and the optimates. In both cases there was violence as both sides battled for dominance. For example, in late republican Rome street gangs formed that employed intimidation and violence for political ends.In seventeenth century England there was conflict between those who favoured royal authority and those who wished to see more power devolved to parliament, which led to Civil War in the 1640s. Yet the English ideal, as expressed by The Book of Common Prayer (1549; and other editions) was that the country be quietly governed. It seemed perverse that the members of the body politic should be in conflict with each other. By the late seventeenth century England was still riven by conflict between two groups which became designated as the Whigs and the Tories. The divisions were both political and religious. Most importantly, these divisions were expressed at the local level, in such things as the struggle for the control of local corporations. They were not just political but could also be personal and often turned nasty as families contended for local control. The mid seventeenth century had been a time of considerable violence and warfare, not only in Europe and England but across Eurasia, including the fall of the Ming dynasty in China (Parker). This violence occurred in the wake of a cooler climate change, bringing in its wake crop failure followed by scarcity, hunger, disease and vicious warfare. Millions of people died.Conditions improved in the second half of the seventeenth century and countries slowly found their way to a new relative stability. The Qing created a new imperial order in China. In France, Louis XIV survived the Fronde and his answer to the rage and divisions of that time was the imposition of an autocratic and despotic state that simply prohibited the existence of divisions. Censorship and the inquisition flourished in Catholic Europe ensuring that dissidence would not evolve into violence fuelled by rage. In 1685, Louis expelled large numbers of Protestants from France.Divisions did not disappear in England at the end of the Civil War and the Restoration of Charles II. Initially, it appears that Charles sought to go down the French route. There was a regulation of ideas as new laws meant that the state licensed all printed works. There was an attempt to impose a bureaucratic authoritarian state, culminating in the short reign of James II (Pincus, Ertman). But its major effect, since the heightened fear of James’ Catholicism in Protestant England, was to stoke the ‘rage of party’ between those who supported this hierarchical model of social order and those who wanted political power less concentrated (Knights Representation, Plumb).The issue was presumed to be settled in 1688 when James was chased from the throne, and replaced by the Dutchman William and his wife Mary. In the official language of the day, liberty had triumphed over despotism and the ‘ancient constitution’ of the English had been restored to guarantee that liberty.However, three major developments were going on in England by the late seventeenth century: The first is the creation of a more bureaucratic centralised state along the lines of the France of Louis XIV. This state apparatus was needed to collect the taxes required to finance and administer the English war machine (Pincus). The second is the creation of a genuinely popular form of government in the wake of the expulsion of James and his replacement by William of Orange (Ertman). This means regular parliaments that are elected every three years, and also a free press to scrutinise political activities. The third is the development of financial institutions to enable the war to be conducted against France, which only comes to an end in 1713 (Pincus). Here, England followed the example of the Netherlands. There is the establishment of the bank of England in 1694 and the creation of a national debt. This meant that those involved in finance could make big profits out of financing a war, so a new moneyed class developed. England's TransformationIn the 1690s as England is transformed politically, religiously and economically, this develops a new type of society that unifies strong government with new financial institutions and arrangements. In this new political configuration, the big winners are the new financial elites and the large (usually Whig) aristocratic landlords, who had the financial resources to benefit from it. The losers were the smaller landed gentry who were taxed to pay for the war. They increasingly support the Tories (Plumb) who opposed both the war and the new financial elites it helped to create; leading to the 1710 election that overwhelmingly elected a Tory government led by Harley and Bolingbroke. This government then negotiated the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, with the Whigs retaining a small minority.History indicates that the post-1688 developments do not so much quell the ‘rage of party’ as encourage it and fan the fires of conflict and discontent. Parliamentary elections were held every three years and could involve costly, and potentially financially ruinous, contests between families competing for parliamentary representation. As these elections involved open voting and attempts to buy votes through such means as wining and dining, they could be occasions for riotous behaviour. Regular electoral contests, held in an electorate that was much larger than it would be one hundred years later, greatly heightened the conflicts and kept the political temperature at a high.Fig. 1: "To Him Pudel, Bite Him Peper"Moreover, there was much to fuel this conflict and to ‘maintain the rage’: First, the remodelling of the English financial system combined with the high level of taxation imposed largely on the gentry fuelled a rage amongst this group. This new world of financial investments was not part of their world. They were extremely suspicious of wealth not derived from landed property and sought to limit the power of those who held such wealth. Secondly, the events of 1688 split the Anglican Church in two (Pincus). The opponents of the new finance regimes tended also to be traditional High Church Anglicans who feared the newer, more tolerant government policy towards religion. Finally, the lapsing of the Licensing Act in 1695 meant that the English state was no longer willing to control the flow of information to the public (Kemp). The end result was that England in the 1690s became something akin to a modern public culture in which there was a relatively free flow of political information, constant elections held with a limited, but often substantial franchise, that was operating out of a very new commercial and financial environment. These political divisions were now deeply entrenched and very real passion animated each side of the political divide (Knights Devil).Under these circ*mstances, it was not possible simply to stamp out ‘the rage’ by the government repressing the voices of dissent. The authoritarian model for creating public conformity was not an option. A mechanism for lowering the political and religious temperature needed to arise in this new society where power and knowledge were diffused rather than centrally concentrated. Also, the English were aided by the return to a more benign physical environment. In economic terms it led to what Fischer terms the equilibrium of the Enlightenment. The wars of Louis XIV were a hangover from the earlier more desperate age; they prolonged the crisis of that age. Nevertheless, the misery of the earlier seventeenth century had passed. The grim visions of Calvinism (and Jansenism) had lost their plausibility. So the excessive violence of the 1640s was replaced by a more tepid form of political resistance, developing into the first modern expression of populism. So, the English achieved what Plumb calls ‘political stability’ were complex (1976), but relied on two things. The first was limiting the opportunity for political activity and the second was labelling political passion as a form of irrational behaviour – as an unsatisfactory or improper way of conducting oneself in the world. Emotions became an indulgence of the ignorant, the superstitious and the fanatical. This new species of humanity was the gentleman, who behaved in a reasonable and measured way, would express a person commensurate with the Enlightenment.This view would find its classic expression over a century later in Macaulay’s History of England, where the pre-1688 English squires are now portrayed in all their semi-civilised glory, “his ignorance and uncouthness, his low tastes and gross phrases, would, in our time, be considered as indicating a nature and a breeding thoroughly plebeian” (Macaulay 244). While the Revolution of 1688 is usually portrayed as a triumph of liberty, as stated, recent scholarship (Pincus, Ertman) emphasises how the attempts by both Charles and James to build a more bureaucratic state were crucial to the development of eighteenth century England. England was not really a land of liberty that kept state growth in check, but the English state development took a different path to statehood from countries such as France, because it involved popular institutions and managed to eliminate many of the corrupt practices endemic to a patrimonial regime.The English were as interested in ‘good police’, meaning the regulation of moral behaviour, as any state on the European continent, but their method of achievement was different. In the place of bureaucratic regulation, the English followed another route, later be termed in the 1760s as ‘civilisation’ (Melleuish). So, the Whigs became the party of rationality and reasonableness, and the Whig regime was Low Church, which was latitudinarian and amenable to rationalist Christianity. Also, the addition of the virtue and value of politeness and gentlemanly behaviour became the antidote to the “rage of party’”(Knights Devil 163—4) . The Whigs were also the party of science and therefore, followed Lockean philosophy. They viewed themselves as ‘reasonable men’ in opposition to their more fanatically inclined opponents. It is noted that any oligarchy, can attempt to justify itself as an ‘aristocracy’, in the sense of representing the ‘morally’ best people. The Whig aristocracy was more cosmopolitan, because its aristocrats had often served the rulers of countries other than England. In fact, the values of the Whig elite were the first expression of the liberal cosmopolitan values which are now central to the ideology of contemporary elites. One dimension of the Whig/Tory split is that while the Whig aristocracy had a cosmopolitan outlook as more proto-globalist, the Tories remained proto-nationalists. The Whigs became simultaneously the party of liberty, Enlightenment, cosmopolitanism, commerce and civilised behaviour. This is why liberty, the desire for peace and ‘sweet commerce’ came to be identified together. The Tories, on the other hand, were the party of real property (that is to say land) so their national interest could easily be construed by their opponents as the party of obscurantism and rage. One major incident illustrates how this evolved.The Trial of the High Church Divine Henry Sacheverell In 1709, the High Church Divine Henry Sacheverell preached a fiery sermon attacking the Whig revolutionary principles of resistance, and advocated obedience and unlimited submission to authority. Afterwards, for his trouble he was impeached before the House of Lords by the Whigs for high crimes and misdemeanours (Tryal 1710). As Mark Knights (6) has put it, one of his major failings was his breaching of the “Whig culture of politeness and moderation”. The Whigs also disliked Sacheverell for his charismatic appeal to women (Nicholson). He was found guilty and his sermons ordered to be burned by the hangman. But Sacheverell became simultaneously a martyr and a political celebrity leading to a mass outpouring of printed material (Knights Devil 166—186). Riots broke out in London in the wake of the trial’s verdict. For the Whigs, this stood as proof of the ‘rage’ that lurked in the irrational world of Toryism. However, as Geoffrey Holmes has demonstrated, these riots were not aimless acts of mob violence but were directed towards specific targets, in particular the meeting houses of Dissenters. History reveals that the Sacheverell riots were the last major riots in England for almost seventy years until the Lord Gordon anti-Catholic riots of 1780. In the short term they led to an overwhelming Tory victory at the 1710 elections, but that victory was pyrrhic. With the death of Queen Anne, followed by the accession of the Hanoverians to the throne, the Whigs became the party of government. Some Tories, such as Bolingbroke, panicked, and fled to France and the Court of the Pretender. The other key factor was the Treaty of Utrecht, brokered on England’s behalf by the Tory government of Harley and Bolingbroke that brought the Civil war to an end in 1713. England now entered an era of peace; there remained no longer the need to raise funds to conduct a war. The war had forced the English state to both to consolidate and to innovate.This can be viewed as the victory of the party of ‘politeness and moderation’ and the Enlightenment and hence the effective end of the ‘rage of party’. Threats did remain by the Pretender’s (James III) attempt to retake the English throne, as happened in 1715 and 1745, when was backed by the barbaric Scots.The Whig ascendancy, the ascendancy of a minority, was to last for decades but remnants of the Tory Party remained, and England became a “one-and one-half” party regime (Ertman 222). Once in power, however, the Whigs utilised a number of mechanisms to ensure that the age of the ‘rage of party’ had come to an end and would be replaced by one of politeness and moderation. As Plumb states, they gained control of the “means of patronage” (Plumb 161—88), while maintaining the ongoing trend, from the 1680s of restricting those eligible to vote in local corporations, and the Whigs supported the “narrowing of the franchise” (Plumb 102—3). Finally, the Septennial Act of 1717 changed the time between elections from three years to seven years.This lowered the political temperature but it did not eliminate the Tories or complaints about the political, social and economic path that England had taken. Rage may have declined but there was still a lot of dissent in the newspapers, in particular in the late 1720s in the Craftsman paper controlled by Viscount Bolingbroke. The Craftsman denounced the corrupt practices of the government of Sir Robert Walpole, the ‘robinocracy’, and played to the prejudices of the landed gentry. Further, the Bolingbroke circle contained some major literary figures of the age; but not a group of violent revolutionaries (Kramnick). It was true populism, from ideals of the Enlightenment and a more benign environment.The new ideal of ‘politeness and moderation’ had conquered English political culture in an era of Whig dominance. This is exemplified in the philosophy of David Hume and his disparagement of enthusiasm and superstition, and the English elite were also not fond of emotional Methodists, and Charles Wesley’s father had been a Sacheverell supporter (Cowan 43). A moderate man is rational and measured; the hoi polloi is emotional, faintly disgusting, and prone to rage.In the End: A Reduction of Rage Nevertheless, one of the great achievements of this new ideal of civility was to tame the conflict between political parties by recognising political division as a natural part of the political process, one that did not involve ‘rage’. This was the great achievement of Edmund Burke who, arguing against Bolingbroke’s position that 1688 had restored a unified political order, and hence abolished political divisions, legitimated such party divisions as an element of a civilised political process involving gentlemen (Mansfield 3). The lower orders, lacking the capacity to live up to this ideal, were prone to accede to forces other than reason, and needed to be kept in their place. This was achieved through a draconian legal code that punished crimes against property very severely (Hoppit). If ‘progress’ as later described by Macaulay leads to a polite and cultivated elite who are capable of conquering their rage – so the lower orders need to be repressed because they are still essentially barbarians. This was echoed in Macaulay’s contemporary, John Stuart Mill (192) who promulgated Orientals similarly “lacked the virtues” of an educated Briton.In contrast, the French attempt to impose order and stability through an authoritarian state fared no better in the long run. After 1789 it was the ‘rage’ of the ‘mob’ that helped to bring down the French Monarchy. At least, that is how the new cadre of the ‘polite and moderate’ came to view things.ReferencesBolingbroke, Lord. Contributions to the Craftsman. Ed. Simon Varney. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1982.Cowan, Brian. “The Spin Doctor: Sacheverell’s Trial Speech and Political Performance in the Divided Society.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 28-46.Ertman, Thomas. Birth of the Leviathan: Building States and Regimes in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997.Fischer, David Hackett. The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History, New York: Oxford UP, 1996.Holmes, Geoffrey. “The Sacheverell Riots: The Crowd and the Church in Early Eighteenth-Century London.” Past and Present 72 (Aug. 1976): 55-85.Hume, David. “Of Superstition and Enthusiasm.” Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1985. 73-9. Hoppit, Julian. A Land of Liberty? England 1689—1727, Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000.Kemp, Geoff. “The ‘End of Censorship’ and the Politics of Toleration, from Locke to Sacheverell.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 47-68.Knights, Mark. Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005.———. The Devil in Disguise: Deception, Delusion, and Fanaticism in the Early English Enlightenment. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011.———. “Introduction: The View from 1710.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 1-15.Kramnick, Isaac. Bolingbroke & His Circle: The Politics of Nostalgia in the Age of Walpole. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1992.Macaulay, Thomas Babington. The History of England from the Accession of James II. London: Folio Society, 2009.Mansfield, Harvey. Statesmanship and Party Government: A Study of Burke and Bolingbroke. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1965.Melleuish, Greg. “Civilisation, Culture and Police.” Arts 20 (1998): 7-25.Mill, John Stuart. On Liberty, Representative Government, the Subjection of Women. London: Oxford UP, 1971.Nicholson, Eirwen. “Sacheverell’s Harlot’s: Non-Resistance on Paper and in Practice.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 69-79.Parker, Geoffrey. Global Crisis: War, Climate Change & Catastrophe in the Seventeenth Century. New Haven: Yale UP, 2013.Pincus, Steve. 1688: The First Modern Revolution. New Haven: Yale UP, 2009.Plumb, John H. The Growth of Political Stability in England 1675–1725. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973.The Tryal of Dr Henry Sacheverell before the House of Peers, 1st edition. London: Jacob Tonson, 1710.

Abstract:

AbstractWe study the approximation of halfspaces $$h:\{0,1\}^n\to\{0,1\}$$ h : { 0 , 1 } n → { 0 , 1 } in the infinity norm by polynomials and rational functions of any given degree. Our main result is an explicit construction of the “hardest” halfspace, for which we prove polynomial and rational approximation lower bounds that match the trivial upper bounds achievable for all halfspaces. This completes a lengthy line of work started by Myhill and Kautz (1961). As an application, we construct a communication problem that achieves essentially the largest possible separation, of O(n) versus $$2^{-\Omega(n)}$$ 2 - Ω ( n ) , between the sign-rank and discrepancy. Equivalently, our problem exhibits a gap of log n versus $$\Omega(n)$$ Ω ( n ) between the communication complexity with unbounded versus weakly unbounded error, improving quadratically on previous constructions and completing a line of work started by Babai, Frankl, and Simon (FOCS 1986). Our results further generalize to the k-party number-on-the-forehead model, where we obtain an explicit separation of log n versus $$\Omega(n/4^{n})$$ Ω ( n / 4 n ) for communication with unbounded versus weakly unbounded error.

Abstract:

Populist communication, in this entry, refers to the occurrence of a) specific messages that are seen as the expression of populist ideology and b) characteristic style elements that are often associated with these messages expressing populist ideology in political actors’ (or other actors such as journalists’ or citizens’) communication (Ernst et al., 2019; De Vreese et al., 2018). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Populism has been defined in various terms; e.g., as Ideology (Canovan, 1999; Mudde, 2004), set of ideas (Hawkins et al., 2018, Taggart, 2000), discourse (Laclau, 2005; Mouffe, 2018), political style (Moffit, 2016), communication style (Jagers & Walgrave, 2007), or political strategy (Weyland, 2017). Thus, there have been numerous operationalizations of populism or populist communication in content analyses that cannot all be accounted for here. This entry specifically follows a communication-centered perspective (Stanyer et al., 2016; De Vreese et al., 2018). Jagers & Walgrave (2007), in a pioneer study on populist communication, define populism as a political communication style “essentially displaying proximity of the people, while at the same time taking an anti-establishment stance and stressing the (ideal) hom*ogeneity of the people by excluding specific population segments.” In a more recent study, Ernst et al. (2019) differentiate between populist communication content and populist communication style. Populist communication content refers to the communicative representation of the populist ideology (what is being said) that can be expressed in the form of populist key messages. Depending on the parsimony of the definition, populist ideology comprises three or four dimensions: people-centrism, anti-elitism, restoring sovereignty, and exclusion (e.g., De Vreese et al., 2018; Mudde, 2004; Jagers & Walgrave, 2007; Wirth et al., 2016). In distinction to the content, Ernst et al. (2019) define populist communication style as the use of populism-related style elements (how something is said) (see also De Vreese et al., 2018; Bracciale & Martella, 2018). Communication-centered content analyses of populist communication are often carried out in three steps. First, specific characteristics of populist communication (e.g., populist key messages or stylistic elements) are identified. Second, the occurrence of these individual elements is then coded either on the statement level (e.g. Ernst et al., 2019; Wirth et al., 2016), excerpts level (Jagers & Walgrave, 2007), or on the text/article level (e.g. Blassnig et al, 2019). Third, the level of populism is determined using different indices for populist communication as a whole (e.g. maximum indices; Blassnig et al., 2019; Ernst et al., 2019) or for the individual dimensions separately (e.g., Jagers & Walgrave, 2007). Populism indices can be calculated at the statement level, text level, or actor level. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Whereas this entry focuses on quantitative and deductive approaches, populist communication has also been investigated using qualitative or inductive approaches (e.g., Wodak, 2015), especially in studies following a more actor-centered approach (Stanyer et al., 2016). Most studies on populist communication have used manual content analysis. Yet, some analyses have also applied automated approaches to investigate the occurrence of populist communication in texts (e.g., Hawkins & Castanho Silva, 2018). Example studies: Blassnig et al., (2019); Bracialle & Martella (2017); Ernst et al., (2019); Jagers & Walgrave, (2007) Table 2: Summary of a selection of studies on populist communication Author(s) Sample Unit of Analysis Values Reliability Jagers & Walgrave, 2007 Content type: political party broadcasts (PPB) Country: Belgium (Flemish part) Political actors: six Belgian-Flemish parties Outlets: 20 PPBs per party Sampling period: 1999 - 2001 Sample size: 1,200 PPB excerpts Unit of analysis: excerpts including ‘thin’ populism (references to the people) Level of analysis: excerpt level and actor level People-index: multiplication of the proportion and intensity of references to the people for each party Anti-state-index: number of anti-state excerpts * average intension anti-state excerpts (1-5) per party Anti-politics-index: number of anti-politics excerpts * average intension anti-politics excerpts (1-5) per party Anti-media-index: number of anti-media excerpts * average intension anti-media excerpts (1-5) per party Anti-establishment-index: anti-state + anti-politics + anti-media per party Exclusivity-index: J-scores; (positive – negative evaluations) / (positive + neutral + negative evaluations of specific population categories) References to the people: terms referring to the population (as a whole or population categories), that cover the people “in political terms”, meaning the “political entity” Anti-state: failure of the state with regard to (1) single failure, (2) systematic failure, (3) public service should be abolished, (4) all public services are criticized at once, (5) the system Anti-politics: criticism directed towards (1) policy measure or present situation, (2) policy, (3) politician, (4) party, (5) group of parties, (6) all parties. (7) the system Anti-media: media targets of criticism; (1) newspaper/ magazine/ tv channel, (2) group of media, (3) all (the) media Evaluation of specific population categories: positive, neutral, negative (for further restrictions for the individual variables and more detailed instructions see the methodological appendix by Jagers & Walgrave, 2007) Reliability is not reported Ernst, Blassnig, Engesser, Büchel, & Esser (2019) (See also Ernst et al., 2018; Ernst, Esser et al., 2019; Wirth et al., 2016) Content type: statements by politicians expressing either a political position, an elaboration on a political issue, or an evaluation/ attribution of a target actor Countries: CH, DE, IT, FR, UK, US Political actors: 98 politicians from 31 parties Outlets: political talk shows (2 per country), politicians’ Facebook and Twitter accounts Sampling period: April through May 2015 Sample size: n = 2’067 (n = 969 talk show statements, n = 734 Facebook posts, and n = 364 Tweets Unit of analysis: a single statement by a politician on a target actor or an issue Level of analysis: statement level and actor level Populism index: Maximum index based on the nine populist key messages and seven stylistic elements (0/1) Populist key messages: Anti-elitism: discrediting the elite, blaming the elite, detaching the elite from the people People-centrism: stressing the people’s virtues, praising the people’s achievements, stating a monolithic people, demonstrating closeness to the people Restoring sovereignty: demanding popular sovereignty, denying elite sovereignty Populist style elements: Negativity: negativism, crisis rhetoric Emotionality: emotional tone, absolutism, patriotism) Sociability: colloquialism, intimization (all items were coded as dummy variables based on more detailed sub-categories) Brennan & Prediger’s kappa average = 0.91 (³0.65) Blassnig, Ernst, Büchel, Engesser, & Esser (2019) Content type: election news coverage about immigration and adjacent reader comments Countries: CH, FR, UK Actors/Speakers: politicians, journalists, and citizens Outlets: 6 online news outlets per country Sampling period: six weeks before the respective election days. CH: September to October 2015; FR: April to May 2017; UK: April to May 2015 Sample size: n = 493 news articles and n = 2904 reader comments Unit of analysis: news article / reader comment Level of analysis: article level Populism index: Maximum index based on the twelve populist key messages (0/1) Populist key messages: Anti-elitism: discrediting the elite, blaming the elite, detaching the elite from the people People-centrism: praising the people’s virtues, praising the people’s achievements, describing the people as hom*ogenous, demonstrating closeness to the people Restoring sovereignty: demanding popular sovereignty, denying elite sovereignty Exclusion: discrediting specific social groups, blaming specific social groups, excluding specific social groups from the people (all items were coded as dummy variables) Brennan & Prediger’s kappa average = 0.75 Bracciale & Martella (2017) Content type: politicians’ tweets Country: Italy Political actors: 5 party leaders Outlets: leaders’ Twiter timelines Sampling period: 1 January 2015 to 1 July 2016 Sample size: n = 7,772 Unit of analysis: tweets Level of analysis: tweets, actors Indices: Populist ideology: three additive synthetic dichotomous indices adding together the indicators for each of the three dimensions of populism (sovereignty of the people, attacking the elite, ostracizing others) The variables for political communication style were summarized using multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) into two dimensions: communicative mode (positive vs. negative) and communicative focus (personalization vs. political/ campaign) Political communication style: Stagecraft: emotionalisation; informality, instrumental actualization, intimisation, negative affect, simplification, storytelling, taboo breaker, vulgarism Register (communicative tone): referential/ neutral, aggressive/ provocative, humorous/ ironic, conversational/ participatory Topic: political issues, policy issues, campaign issues, personal issues, current affairs Function: campaign updating, self-promotion, setting the agenda, position-taking, call to action, opposition/ violence, endorsem*nt, irony, request for interaction, pointless babble Populist ideology: Emphasizing sovereignty of the people: refers to the people, refers to ‘ad hoc’ people, direct representation Attacking the elite: generic anti-establishment, political anti-establishment, economic anti-establishment, EU anti-establishment, institutional anti-establishment, anti-elitism media, anti-elitism intellectuals Ostracizing others: dangerous others, authoritarianism (all individual indicators were coded as dummy variables) Krippendorff's Alpha > .83 References Blassnig, S., Ernst, N., Büchel, F., Engesser, S., & Esser, F. (2019). Populism in online election coverage. Journalism Studies, 20(8), 1110–1129. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2018.1487802 Bracciale, R., & Martella, A. (2017). Define the populist political communication style: the case of Italian political leaders on Twitter. Information, Communication & Society, 20(9), 1310–1329. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2017.1328522 Canovan, M. (1999). Trust the people! Populism and the two faces of democracy. Political Studies, 47(1), 2–16. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00184 Cranmer, M. (2011). Populist communication and publicity: An empirical study of contextual differences in Switzerland. Swiss Political Science Review, 17(3), 286–307. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1662-6370.2011.02019.x De Vreese, C. H., Esser, F., Aalberg, T., Reinemann, C., & Stanyer, J. (2018). Populism as an expression of political communication content and style: A new perspective. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 23(4), 423-438. https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161218790035 Engesser, S., Fawzi, N., & Larsson, A. O. (2017). Populist online communication: Introduction to the special issue. Information, Communication & Society, 20(9), 1279–1292. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2017.1328525 Ernst, N., Blassnig, S., Engesser, S., Büchel, F., & Esser, F. (2019). Populists prefer social media over talk shows: An analysis of populist messages and stylistic elements across six countries. Social Media + Society, 5(1), 1-14. https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118823358 Hawkins, K. A., Carlin, R. E., Littvay, L., & Rovira Kaltwasser, C. (Eds.). (2018). Extremism and democracy. The ideational approach to populism: Concept, theory, and analysis. Routledge. Haswkins, K. A., & Castanho Silva, B. (2018). Textual analysis: big data approaches. In K. A. Hawkins, R. E. Carlin, L. Littvay, & C. Rovira Kaltwasser (Eds.). Extremism and democracy. The ideational approach to populism: Concept, theory, and analysis (pp. 27-48). Routledge. Jagers, J., & Walgrave, S. (2007). Populism as political communication style: An empirical study of political parties' discourse in Belgium. European Journal of Political Research, 46(3), 319–345. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00690.x Laclau, E. (2005). On populist reason. London: Verso. Moffitt, B. (2016). The global rise of populism: Performance, political style, and representation. Stanford University Press. Mudde, C. (2004). The populist Zeitgeist. Government and Opposition, 39(4), 542–563. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00135.x Stanyer, J., Salgado, S., & Strömbäck, J. (2017). Populist actors as communicators or political actors as populist communicators: Cross-national findings and perspectives. In T. Aalberg, F. Esser, C. Reinemann, J. Strömbäck, & C. H. de Vreese (Eds.), Populist political communication in Europe (pp. 353–364). Routledge. Taggart, P. (2000). Populism. Concepts in the social sciences. Open University Press. Wirth, W., Esser, F., Engesser, S., Wirz, D. S., Schulz, A., Ernst, N., . . . Schemer, C. (2016). The appeal of populist ideas, strategies and styles: A theoretical model and research design for analyzing populist political communication. Zurich: NCCR Democracy, Working Paper No. 88, pp. 1–60. https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-127461 Wodak, R. (2015). The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. SAGE Publications.

Abstract:

Political issues, in general, focus on the content of political actors’ communication and most often describe either the main issue or several issues that are in the focus of a political actor’s statement or any other relevant text (e.g., press release, news article, tweet, etc.). The basic premise of analyzing political issues in the self-presentation of political actors is that one major goal of political actors’ communication is to place specific issues on the political agenda (Strömbäck & Esser, 2017). Political issues are most often coded based on a list of pre-defined issues that refer to different policies and sometimes also to polity or politics. The scope and detail of the individual issues depend on the purpose and the focus of the analysis. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Apart from being a common descriptive and control variable, the coding of issues in political actors’ communication can serve as the basis for more complex variables or concepts such as agenda building or issue ownership. Agenda building, at large, refers to the process of how media content is shaped by societal forces (Lang & Lang, 1981). With regard to analyses of politicians’ self-presentation, most work focuses on the processes of communication by which political actors aim to obtain media coverage for their issues (Norris et al., 1999; Seethaler & Melischek, 2019). Analyses on agenda building usually compare issue agendas between at least two different forms of communication, e.g., between channels where political actors have high control (such as press releases, party manifestos, social media messages) and journalistic outlets where political actors have less control (e.g., Harder et al., 2017; Kiousis et al., 2006; Seethaler & Melischek, 2019). Content analyses on agenda building usually start by, first, identifying relevant issue fields and categories (inductively or deductively). Second, the dominant political issues in political actors’ communication and/or other forms of communication (e.g., news articles) are coded according to predefined lists. Third, the occurrence of specific issues or issue agendas are compared between the different forms of communication, often over time (see, e.g., Seethaler & Melischek, 2019). Issue ownership, in broad terms, means that some parties are considered by the public in general as being more adept to deal with, or more attentive to, certain issues (Lachat, 2014; Petrocik, 1996; Walgrave et al., 2015). Traditionally, issue ownership has been analyzed from a demand-side perspective, based on surveys, as the connection between issues and parties in voters’ minds. Definitions of issue ownership usually comprise at least two dimensions: competence issue ownership (parties’ perceived capacity to competently handle or solve a certain issue) and associative issue ownership (the spontaneous link between some parties and some issues) (Walgrave et al., 2015). Content analyses build on these definitions to investigate to what extent political actors focus on issues that they (respectively their parties) own and what factors may explain the (non-)reliance on owned issues (e.g., Dalmus et al., 2017; Peeters et al., 2019). Other content analyses use issue ownership as an independent variable, for example, to explain user reactions to parties’ social media messages (e.g., Staender et al., 2019). Content analyses on issue ownership usually start by, first, identifying relevant issue fields and categories (inductively or deductively). Second, the dominant political issues in political actors’ communication are coded according to predefined lists. Third, political actors are assigned issue ownership for specific issues based on theoretical considerations, existing literature, and/or survey data. Fourth, an index for owned issues is calculated at the statement or text level based on the coded issues and the predefined ownership for specific issues. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Political issues can be analyzed using both manual and automated content analysis (e.g. topic modeling or dictionary approach). Analyses use both inductive or deductive approaches and/or a combination of both to identify issue categories and extend or amend previous lists of political issues. Example studies: Dalmus et al. (2019), Peeters et al. (2019); Seethaler & Melischek (2019) Table 1: Summary of a selection of studies on agenda building and/or issue ownership Author(s) Sample Unit of Analysis Values Reliability Seethaler & Melischek (2019) Content type: parties’ news releases and tweets, media reports Country: Austria Political actors: all parliamentary parties (ÖVP, SPÖ, FPÖ, Grüne, NEOS, Liste Pilz) Outlets: all party news releases, parties’ and top candidates’ twitter accounts, five legacy media outlets Sampling period: 6 weeks before the national election day in 2017 (4 September 2017–14 October 2017) Sample size: 1,009 news releases, 9,088 tweets, 2,422 news stories Unit of analysis: individual news releases, tweets, and news stories Level of analysis: issue agendas Dominant issue: 13 issue areas based on the Comparative Agendas Project: civil rights, government operations, law and crime, international affairs and defence, European integration, macroeconomics, domestic commerce, transportation and technology, environment and agriculture, education, labour, social welfare and housing, health Cohen’s Kappa between .91 and .95 Harder, Sevenans, & Van Aelst (2017) Content type: newspaper, television, radio, news website, and Twitter items featuring a political topic, a domestic political actor, or an election-specific term Country: Belgium (Political) actors: tweets by 678 professional journalists, 44 accounts affiliated with legacy media organizations, 467 politicians, 19 civil society organizations, 109 “influentials” Outlets: 5 print newspapers, 3 news websites, 2 daily television newscasts, 6 daily radio newscasts, current affairs tv programs, and election-specific tv shows Sampling period: Belgian 2014 election campaign (1 May to 24 May 2014) Sample size: n = 9,935 Unit of analysis: news items and tweets Level of analysis: news items (n = 5,260) / news stories (n = 414) Issues (up to three issues per item): list of 28 broad issues based on the Comparative Agendas Project Categorization of news stories: inductive coding of individual time- and place-specific events based on news items from traditional news outlets. Non-news items and tweets were then assigned to the already-identified news stories Krippendorff’s alpha = .70 Krippendorff’s alpha = .76 (for assigning news story to tweet) Dalmus, Hänggli, Bernhard (2019) Content type: party manifestos, party press releases, and newspaper coverage Countries: CH, DE, FR, UK Political actors: parties Outlets: 1 quality newspaper and 1 tabloid per country, all party press releases and manifestos Sampling period: election campaigns between 2010 and 2013 (8 weeks prior to the respective election days) Sample size: 4,191 Unit of analysis: Actor statements on issues concerning national politics and containing either an explicitly mentioned position or interpretation/ elaboration on the issue Level of analysis: text level Main issue: Economy, Welfare, Budget, Freedom and Rights, Europe/ Globalization, Education, Immigration, Army, Security, Ecology, Institutional Reforms, Infrastructure, Elections and Events (each of these top-issue categories is made up of several more detailed sub-issues leading to a total of 127 issue options) Issue emphasis: percentage of statements devoted to a certain issue Issue ownership: issue fully belongs to one party (1), issue belongs to center-left / center-right parties (0.5), issue is unowned (0) (based on Seeberg, 2016; Tresch et al., 2017, for more details see the paper) Cohen’s Kappa ?.3 for sub-issues; Cohen’s Kappa ?.5 for top-issues Peeters, Van Aelst, & Praet (2019) Content type: politicians’ tweets, online media coverage, and parliamentary documents Country: Belgium (Flemish part) Political actors: 144 MPs from the 6 parties represented in the Flemish and federal parliament Outlets: 13 Flemish news outlets Sampling period: 1 January to 1 September, 2018 Sample size: n = 51,691 tweets, n = 8,857 articles, n = 12,638 parliamentary documents Unit of analysis: text level Level of analysis: issue agendas Index for issue concentration: Herfindahl index (to assess how diverse/ concentrated the individual issue agendas are across platforms) Issues: automated coding of 20 issue topics using the Dutch dictionary based on the Comparative Agendas Project Issue ownership: operationalization based on survey data; relative party ownership scores for each politician were assigned based on the percentage of respondents that linked a certain party with the topic NA (A manual check on 200 randomly selected documents shows that a little over 70% of the automated non-codings were in fact non-classifiable documents. For the other 30%, the dictionary was not able to properly classify the documents.) References Dalmus, C., Hänggli, R., & Bernhard, L. (2017). The charm of salient issues? Parties’ strategic behavior in press releases. In P. van Aelst & S. Walgrave (Eds.), How Political Actors Use the Media: A Functional Analysis of the Media’s Role in Politics (pp. 187–205). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60249-3_10 Harder, R. A., Sevenans, J., & van Aelst, P. (2017). Intermedia Agenda Setting in the Social Media Age: How Traditional Players Dominate the News Agenda in Election Times. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 22(3), 275–293. https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161217704969 Kiousis, S., Mitrook, M., Wu, X., & Seltzer, T. (2006). First- and Second-Level Agenda-Building and Agenda-Setting Effects: Exploring the Linkages Among Candidate News Releases, Media Coverage, and Public Opinion During the 2002 Florida Gubernatorial Election. Journal of Public Relations Research, 18(3), 265–285. https://doi.org/10.1207/s1532754xjprr1803_4 Lachat, R. (2014). Issue ownership and the vote: the effects of associative and competence ownership on issue voting. Swiss Political Science Review, 20(4), 727–740. https://doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12121 Lang, G.E., & Lang, K. (1981). Watergate: An exploration of the agenda-building process. In: Wilhoit, G.C., & De Bock, H. (Eds.). Mass Communication Review Yearbook. SAGE, pp. 447–468. Norris, P., Curtice, J., Sanders, D., et al. (1999). On Message: Communicating the Campaign. SAGE. Peeters, J., van Aelst, P., & Praet, S. (2019). Party ownership or individual specialization? A comparison of politicians’ individual issue attention across three different agendas. Party Politics, 55(4), 135406881988163. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068819881639 Petrocik, J.R. (1996). Issue ownership in presidential elections, with a 1980 case study. American Journal of Political Science, 40(3), 825–850. Seeberg, H. B. (2017). How stable is political parties’ issue ownership? A cross-time, cross-national analysis. Political Studies, 65(2), 475–492. https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321716650224 Seethaler, J., & Melischek, G. (2019). Twitter as a tool for agenda building in election campaigns? The case of Austria. Journalism, 20(8), 1087–1107. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464884919845460 Staender, A., Ernst, N., & Steppat, D. (2019). Was steigert die Facebook-Resonanz? Eine Analyse der Likes, Shares und Comments im Schweizer Wahlkampf 2015. SCM Studies in Communication and Media, 8(2), 236–271. https://doi.org/10.5771/2192-4007-2019-2-236 Strömbäck, J., & Esser, F. (2017). Political Public Relations and Mediatization: The Strategies of News Management. In P. van Aelst & S. Walgrave (Eds.), How Political Actors Use the Media: A Functional Analysis of the Media’s Role in Politics (pp. 63–83). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60249-3_4 Tresch, A., Lefevere, J., Walgrave, S. (2018). How parties’ issue emphasis strategies vary across communication channels: The 2009 regional election campaign in Belgium. Acta Politica, 53(1), 25–47. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41269-016-0036-7 Walgrave, S., Tresch, A., & Lefevere, J. (2015). The Conceptualisation and Measurement of Issue Ownership. West European Politics, 38(4), 778–796. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2015.1039381

Abstract:

Sentiment/tone describes the way issues or specific actors are described in coverage. Many analyses differentiate between negative, neutral/balanced or positive sentiment/tone as broader categories, but analyses might also measure expressions of incivility, fear, or happiness, for example, as more granular types of sentiment/tone. Analyses can detect sentiment/tone in full texts (e.g., general sentiment in financial news) or concerning specific issues (e.g., specific sentiment towards the stock market in financial news or a specific actor). The datasets referred to in the table are described in the following paragraph: Puschmann (2019) uses four data sets to demonstrate how sentiment/tone may be analyzed by the computer. Using Sherlock Holmes stories (18th century, N = 12), tweets (2016, N = 18,826), Swiss newspaper articles (2007-2012, N = 21,280), and debate transcripts (2013-2017, N = 205,584), he illustrates how dictionaries may be applied for such a task. Rauh (2019) uses three data sets to validate his organic German language dictionary for sentiment/tone. His data consists of sentences from German parliament speeches (1991-2013, N = 1,500), German-language quasi-sentences from German, Austrian and Swiss party manifestos (1998-2013, N = 14,008) and newspaper, journal and news wire articles (2011-2012, N = 4,038). Silge and Robinson (2020) use six Jane Austen novels to demonstrate how dictionaries may be used for sentiment analysis. Van Atteveldt and Welbers (2020) use state of the Union speeches (1789-2017, N = 58) for the same purpose. The same authors (van Atteveldt & Welbers, 2019) show based on a dataset of N = 2,000 movie reviews how supervised machine learning might also do the trick. In their Quanteda tutorials, Watanabe and Müller (2019) demonstrate the use of dictionaries and supervised machine learning for sentiment analysis on UK newspaper articles (2012-2016, N = 6,000) as well as the same set of movie reviews (n = 2,000). Lastly, Wiedemann and Niekler (2017) use state of the Union speeches (1790-2017, N = 233) to demonstrate how sentiment/tone can be coded automatically via a dictionary approach. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Related to theories of “Framing” and “Bias” in coverage, many analyses are concerned with the way the news evaluates and interprets specific issues and actors. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Manual coding is needed for many automated analyses, including the ones concerned with sentiment. Studies for example use manual content analysis to develop dictionaries, to create training sets on which algorithms used for automated classification are trained, or to validate the results of automated analyses (Song et al., 2020). Table 1. Measurement of “Sentiment/Tone” using automated content analysis. Author(s) Sample Procedure Formal validity check with manual coding as benchmark* Code Puschmann (2019) (a) Sherlock Holmes stories (b) Tweets (c) Swiss newspaper articles (d) German Parliament transcripts Dictionary approach Not reported http://inhaltsanalyse-mit-r.de/sentiment.html Rauh (2018) (a) Bundestag speeches (b) Quasi-sentences from German, Austrian and Swiss party manifestos (c) Newspapers, journals, agency reports Dictionary approach Reported https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/BKBXWD Silge & Robinson (2020) Books by Jane Austen Dictionary approach Not reported https://www.tidytextmining.com/sentiment.html van Atteveldt & Welbers (2020) State of the Union speeches Dictionary approach Reported https://github.com/ccs-amsterdam/r-course-material/blob/master/tutorials/sentiment_analysis.md van Atteveldt & Welbers (2019) Movie reviews Supervised Machine Learning Approach Reported https://github.com/ccs-amsterdam/r-course-material/blob/master/tutorials/r_text_ml.md Watanabe & Müller (2019) Newspaper articles Dictionary approach Not reported https://tutorials.quanteda.io/advanced-operations/targeted-dictionary-analysis/ Watanabe & Müller (2019) Movie reviews Supervised Machine Learning Approach Reported https://tutorials.quanteda.io/machine-learning/nb/ Wiedemann & Niekler (2017) State of the Union speeches Dictionary approach Not reported https://tm4ss.github.io/docs/Tutorial_3_Frequency.html *Please note that many of the sources listed here are tutorials on how to conducted automated analyses – and therefore not focused on the validation of results. Readers should simply read this column as an indication in terms of which sources they can refer to if they are interested in the validation of results. References Puschmann, C. (2019). Automatisierte Inhaltsanalyse mit R. Retrieved from http://inhaltsanalyse-mit-r.de/index.html Rauh, C. (2018). Validating a sentiment dictionary for German political language—A workbench note. Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 15(4), 319–343. doi:10.1080/19331681.2018.1485608 Silge, J., & Robinson, D. (2020). Text mining with R. A tidy approach. Retrieved from https://www.tidytextmining.com/ Song, H., Tolochko, P., Eberl, J.-M., Eisele, O., Greussing, E., Heidenreich, T., Lind, F., Galyga, S., & Boomgaarden, H.G. (2020) In validations we trust? The impact of imperfect human annotations as a gold standard on the quality of validation of automated content analysis. Political Communication, 37(4), 550-572. van Atteveldt, W., & Welbers, K. (2019). Supervised Text Classification. Retrieved from https://github.com/ccs-amsterdam/r-course-material/blob/master/tutorials/r_text_ml.md van Atteveldt, W., & Welbers, K. (2020). Supervised Sentiment Analysis in R. Retrieved from https://github.com/ccs-amsterdam/r-course-material/blob/master/tutorials/sentiment_analysis.md Watanabe, K., & Müller, S. (2019). Quanteda tutorials. Retrieved from https://tutorials.quanteda.io/ Wiedemann, G., Niekler, A. (2017). Hands-on: a five day text mining course for humanists and social scientists in R. Proceedings of the 1st Workshop Teaching NLP for Digital Humanities (Teach4DH@GSCL 2017), Berlin. Retrieved from https://tm4ss.github.io/docs/index.html

Abstract:

Eye tracking can be used to record individual search processes on the Internet and the eye movements of subjects searching for information. These search processes combined with the gaze data can be examined by means of standardized content analysis. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Reception, perception, and selection behavior on the Internet; selective exposure and framing effects studies; role of news factors in selection on the Internet References/combination with other methods of data collection: Zillich and Kessler (2019) evaluate and compare the method combination with the advantages and disadvantages of established methods for measuring selective exposure processes with regard to online information. Kessler and Guenther (2017), Kessler and Langmann (2020), and Kessler and Zillich (2019) combined the content analysis of eye tracking data with an online pre- and post-survey. Kessler and Engelmann (2019) compare findings on the role of news factors in online news selection from three different methods: standardized content analysis of eye tracking data, qualitative open survey, and standardized closed survey. Example studies: Kessler & Langmann (2020); Kessler & Engelmann (2019); Kessler & Zillich (2019); Kessler & Guenther (2017); Zillich & Kessler (2019) Information on Kessler and Guenther (2017) Authors: Sabrina Heike Kessler & Lars Guenther Research question: Does individual online behavior (i.e., searching for and reading information) conform to previously presented media frames? How much impact do presented media frames have on different levels of individuals’ online searching for and on reading information? Object of analysis: In an experiment combining eye tracking and content analysis, participants (N = 72) were exposed to one of three TV clips with different media frames that focused on Alzheimer’s disease. After exposure, participants informed themselves about the issue online. The researchers examined the online search behavior via eye tracking while the participants searched for information, followed by a standardized content analysis of the eye tracking data. Timeframe of analysis: 2014 Codebook: in the appendix (in German) Info about variables Construct: online behavior, the way people search for and read information on the Internet Level of analysis: levels of online behavior: input words participants used for their online searches; search results from the online search engines that were both viewed and selected; search results that were viewed but not selected; and the content of viewed websites. Variables: Duration of the search behavior; duration of the reception behavior; words typed into the search engine; website visited; categorization of the website; number of search results received and selected or received and not selected; main topic, problem, cause, evaluation, opportunities and risks, forecasts, proposed solution and demands of the individual search results; number and type of actors of the individual selected and unselected search results; number of contributions received; main topic, problem, cause, evaluation, opportunities and risks, forecasts, proposed solution and demands of the individual websites received; depicted controversy, images, explicit and implicit certainty and uncertainty at the individual websites received Reliability: “Nine trained coders helped conduct the content analysis. In total, 12 clips of participants’ online behavior (17 percent of the total sample) were randomly selected for reliability testing. For intercoder reliability, Cohen’s ? for the formal variables was ?=0.98 (CR=0.99). Intercoder reliability for the variables of the frame elements had the following values: selected search results ?=0.77 (CR=0.97), search results that were viewed but not selected ?=0.81 (CR=0.97), and contents of the websites that were viewed ?=0.71 (CR=0.93).” (p. 316) Information on Kessler and Langmann (2020) Authors: Sabrina Heike Kessler & Klara Langmann Research question: How does biological sex influence search behavior for political information on the Internet? Hypothesis: Prior political knowledge, political interest, and Internet skills mediate the influence of biological and social sex on search behavior for political information on the Internet. Object of analysis: This study aimed to investigate how people (N = 44 students) search online for political information (N = 220 search tasks) and if gendered online search exist. We examined the online search behavior via eye tracking while the participants searched for information about political party positions on the Internet. A content analysis of the eye tracking data followed and was evaluated with a special focus on the role of biological sex and social gender and the relationship of both factors with other variables, such as self-reported prior political knowledge, political interest, and Internet skills (via online survey). Timeframe of analysis: April 2017 Codebook: in the appendix (in German) Info about variables Construct: online search behavior, the way people search for and read information on the Internet Level of analysis: levels of online behavior: input words participants used for their online searches; search results on search engine result pages (SERPs) that were both viewed and selected, search results that were viewed but not selected; and the content of viewed websites. Variables and reliability: Four coders conducted the content analysis by satisfying reliability values (based on 11.4% of the total sample, randomly selected). Variables Measures Reliability coefficient (Krippendorff's ?); n=25 Search task 5 values 1 Length of online search behavior seconds 1 Number of search queries on SERPs 0 to x 1 Time on SERPs seconds .81 (10% tolerance) Scanpath on SERPs 4 values .78 Length of search queries 3 values .96 Number of clicked search results 0 to x .96 Number of viewed and unselected search results 0 to x .67 (10% tolerance) Number of selected search results position 1 0 to x .98 Number of selected search results position 2–3 0 to x .98 Number of perceived websites 0 to x .93 Type of website accessed 19 values .88 Website scanpaths 4 values .81 Reception scope on website 3 values .84 Time on websites seconds .81 (10% tolerance) References Kessler, S. H. & Langmann, K. (2020). The role of sex and gender on search behavior for political informationon the Internet. Communications: The European Journal of Communication Research. DOI: 10.1515/commun-2019-0137 Kessler, S. H. & Engelmann, I. (2019). Why do we click? Investigating reasons for user selection on a news aggregator website. Communications, 44(2), 225-247. DOI: 10.1515/commun-2018-2003 Kessler, S. H. & Zillich, A. F. (2019). Searching online for information about vaccination: Assessing the influence of user-specific cognitive factors using eye-tracking. Health Communication, 34(10), 1150-1158. DOI: 10.1080/10410236.2018.1465793 Kessler, S. H. & Guenther, L. (2017). Eyes on the frame: Explaining people's online searching behavior in response to TV consumption. Internet Research, 27(2), 303-320. DOI: 10.1108/IntR-01-2016-0015 Zillich, A. F., & Kessler, S. H. (2019). Measuring selective exposure to online information. Combining eye-tracking and content analysis of users’ actual search behavior. In C. Peter, T. Naab, & R. Kühne (eds.), Measuring media use and exposure: Recent developments and challenges (pp. 196-220). Köln, GER: Halem.

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Burke, Mike, Colin Mooers and John Shields, eds. Restructuring and Resistance: Canadian Public Policy in an Age of Global Capitalism. By Grace Skogstad 17Bastien, Frédéric. Relations particulières — La France face au Québec après de Gaulle. Par Christine Bout De L'An 178Nancoo, Stephen E., ed. 21st Century Canadian Diversity. By Jean E. Havel 180Lefebvre, Jean-Paul. Qui profiterait de l'indépendance du Québec? Par Nemer H. N. Ramadan 181Cashore, Benjamin, George Hoberg, Michael Howlett, Jeremy Rayner and Jeremy Wilson. In Search of Sustainability: British Columbia Forest Policy in the 1990s. By Lori Poloni-Staudinger 182Dahl, Jens, Jack Hicks and Peter Jull, eds. Nunavut: Inuit Regain Control of Their Lands and Their Lives. By Gurston Dacks 183Kernaghan, Kenneth, Brian Marson and Sandford Borins. The New Public Organization. By Geoffrey Hale 185Bélanger, Yves, Robert Comeau, François Desrochers et Céline Métivier, sous la direction de. La CUM et la région métropolitaine : l'avenir d'une communauté. Par Martin Éthier 187Moon, Richard. The Constitutional Protection of Freedom of Expression. By Stephen L. Newman 189Brady, David W., John F. Cogan and Morris P. Fiorina, eds. Continuity and Change in House Elections. By L. Sandy Maisel 191Preston, Thomas. The President and His Inner Circle: Leadership Style and the Advisory Process in Foreign Affairs. By Chris Dolan 192Waddell, Brian. The War against the New Deal: World War II and American Democracy. By Bruce Miroff 194Smith, Mark A. American Business and Political Power: Public Opinion, Elections, and Democracy. By Marie Hojnacki 195Connelly, James and Graham Smith. Politics and the Environment: From Theory to Practice. By Inger Weibust 197McGann, James G. and R. Kent Weaver, eds. Think Tanks and Civil Societies: Catalysts for Ideas and Action. By Andrew Rich 198Nobles, Melissa. Shades of Citizenship: Race and the Census in Modern Politics. By Kim Williams 200Alonso, Paula. Between Revolution and the Ballot Box: The Origins of the Argentine Radical Party. By Viviana Patroni 201Lizée, Pierre P. Peace, Power and Resistance in Cambodia: Global Governance and the Failure of International Conflict Resolution; and Peou, Sorpong. Intervention and Change in Cambodia: Towards Democracy? By Irene V. Langran 203Marples, David R. Belarus: A Denationalized Nation. By Alexander Danilovich 206Beiner, Ronald and Wayne Norman, eds. Canadian Political Philosophy: Contemporary Reflections. By Bernard Yack 208Dworkin, Ronald. Sovereign Virtue: The Theory and Practice of Equality. By Colin M. Macleod 210Hurka, Thomas. Virtue, Vice, and Value. By Jason Kawall 212Morris, Martin. Rethinking the Communicative Turn: Adorno, Habermas, and the Problem of Communicative Freedom. By Andollah Payrow Shabani 214O'Sullivan, Noel, ed. Political Theory in Transition. By Cillian Mcbride 215Plant, Raymond. Politics, Theology and History. By James E. Crimmins 217Rynard, Paul and David Shugarman, eds. Cruelty and Deception: The Controversy over Dirty Hands in Politics. By Stewart Hyson 218Sassoon, Anne Showstack. Gramsci and Contemporary Politics: Beyond Pessimism of the Intellect. By Shane Gunster 220Wallach, John R. The Platonic Political Art: A Study of Critical Reason and Democracy. By Gregory Bruce Smith 222Hardt, Michael and Antonio Negri. Empire. By Charles Tilly 224Holden, Barry, ed. Global Democracy: Key Debates. By Kok-Chor Tan 225Boniface, Pascal, sous la direction de. Morale et relations internationales. Par Marie-France Loranger 227Jackson, Robert H. The Global Covenant: Human Conduct in a World of States. By Roger Epp 229

Abstract:

First-order linkage analyses (Schulz, 2008) employ individual survey data weighted by aggregated content data and are generally used to investigate media effects on public opinion. In contrast to experiments, their outcomes are highly generalizable since they allow to grasp what kind of content people encounter in a naturalistic setting (Barabas & Jerit, 2009), with which frequency and intensity, and how it triggers a particular reaction, attitude change, knowledge gain or behavior. First-order linkage analyses often employ manual and automated content analysis, descriptive and inferential statistical analyses. When using panel data, they are furthermore able to identify within-individual changes in attitudes and behaviors (e.g. Takens et al., 2015). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Linkage analyses have extensively been used in the fields of political communication and public opinion, EU studies and media and political psychology. Studies that employed first-order linkage analyses are concerned with theories of agenda setting (Erbring et al., 1980), visibility, priming and media attention on public opinion dynamics (e.g. Bos et al., 2011); news media tone (Hopmann et al., 2010), or the impact of exposure to counter-attitudinal views through the media (Matthes, 2012) on voting decisiveness and behavior. Framing studies or studies focusing on journalistic styles have also made extant use of linkage analysis (e.g. Jebril et al., 2013; Schuck et al., 2014) (see chapter Content Analysis in Mixed Method approaches for a detailed account of uses, applications and advantages of using linkage analyses). References Barabas, J., & Jerit, J. (2009). Estimating the Causal Effects of Media Coverage on Policy-Specific Knowledge. American Journal of Political Science, 53(1), 73–89. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00358.x Boomgaarden, H. G., Van Spanje, J., Vliegenthart, R., & De Vreese, C. H. (2011). Covering the crisis: Media coverage of the economic crisis and citizens’ economic expectations. Acta Politica, 46(4), 353–379. Bos, L., Van der Brug, W., & De Vreese, C. (2011). How the media shape perceptions of right-wing populist leaders. Political Communication, 28(2), 182–206. Castro Herrero, L., & Hopmann, D. N. (2017). The Virtue of Moderation: A Cross-National Analysis of Exposure to Cross-Cutting Information and Turnout. International Journal of Public Opinion Research. Castro, L., Nir, L., & Skovsgaard, M. (2018). Bridging Gaps in Cross-Cutting Media Exposure: The Role of Public Service Broadcasting. Political Communication, 1–24. De Vreese, C. H., Boukes, M., Schuck, A., Vliegenthart, R., Bos, L., & Lelkes, Y. (2017). Linking survey and media content data: Opportunities, considerations, and pitfalls. Communication Methods and Measures, 11(4), 221–244. Erbring, L., Goldenberg, E. N., & Miller, A. H. (1980). Front-page news and real-world cues: A new look at agenda-setting by the media. American Journal of Political Science, 16–49. Hopmann, D. N., Vliegenthart, R., De Vreese, C., & Alb\a ek, E. (2010). Effects of election news coverage: How visibility and tone influence party choice. Political Communication, 27(4), 389–405. Jebril, N., Albaek, E., & De Vreese, C. H. (2013). Infotainment, cynicism and democracy: The effects of privatization vs personalization in the news. European Journal of Communication, 28(2), 105–121. Matthes, J. (2012). Exposure to counterattitudinal news coverage and the timing of voting decisions. Communication Research, 39(2), 147–169. Schuck, A. R., Vliegenthart, R., & De Vreese, C. H. (2014). Who’s Afraid of Conflict? The Mobilizing Effect of Conflict Framing in Campaign News. British Journal of Political Science, 1–18. Schulz, W. (2008). Content analyses and public opinion research. The SAGE Handbook of Public Opinion Research, 348–357. Takens, J., Kleinnijenhuis, J., Van Hoof, A., & Van Atteveldt, W. (2015). Party leaders in the media and voting behavior: Priming rather than learning or projection. Political Communication, 32(2), 249–267. Vreese, C. H. D., & Semetko, H. A. (2004). News matters: Influences on the vote in the Danish 2000 euro referendum campaign. European Journal of Political Research, 43(5), 699–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0304-4130.2004.00171.x Table 1. Data matching in first-order linkage analyses Author(s) Relationship of theoretical interest Sample Time frame Content-analytical constructs Linkage strategy Boomgaarden et al., 2011 How exposure to media coverage of the 2008-2009 economic crisis affected expectations regarding the future development of the national economic situation (a) Predictions or expectations about the economic situations provided by articles of nine newspapers and items from 2 news bulletins in the Netherlands in the period between wave 1 and wave 2 of the survey below-mentioned. For w2 to w3, only the front pages of newspapers were coded. (b) 976 respondents of a three-wave panel survey conducted in the Netherlands between November 2008 to February 2009 Nov 2008- Feb 2009 “Expectation, assumption or prediction of the personal economic situation of the Dutch people/the Dutch economy” and whether these are negative, neutral or positive (Boomgaarden et al., 2011, p. 361) (1) Calculation of number of positive and negative economic expectations/assumptions/predictions per outlet (negative (-2), rather negative (-1), balanced (0), rather positive (1), positive (2)) for either the Dutch economy or the Dutch people. Negative evaluations are weighted twice since people tend to select negative information in greater numbers. (2) Each survey respondent’s frequency of use of each outlet is weighted (multiplied) by each outlet’s aggregated score for each relevant content characteristic outlined above, and regressed on people’s actual economic expectations for the country and for themselves. De Vreese et al. 2017 How exposure to economic news (visibility and tone) predicts respondents’ expectations about the state of the national economy in the coming 12 months (a) 1,211 hand-coded articles evaluating the state of the Dutch economy in Dutch national newspapers (b) Three-wave panel data from a surveyed representative sample of the Dutch population Feb-June 2015 (Negative, neutral or positive) tone towards the Dutch economy (1) The authors construct a variable in a content-analysed dataset measuring a tone scale per news article, ranging from -2 (completely negative) to 2 (completely positive) (2) Publication recency for each article (how close in time the article was published to when respondents were surveyed) and prominence of each article (operationalized as how long the article was compared to average article length) were used to create weighted measures, in order to test whether more recent and more lengthy evaluative articles had stronger effects on economic perceptions, as compared to an unweighted variable. (3) Observations at the article level were then aggregated at the wave-outlet level in a new dataset containing information on total number of articles with evaluations of the economy, tone, and the two weighted measures above-mentioned per outlet in each wave. (4) The linkage was done using the survey dataset. For each individual i in wave w a score of the amount of evaluative news (visibility), the positive, neutral or negative connotation of such news (tone) and the weighed variables (weighted tone by recency and prominence) was calculated for each newspaper they read on a weekly basis. The final computation can be illustrated as follows: For each individual i and wave w, (…) Where k stands for outlet, =1 if individual i reads outlet k and 0 otherwise, and j denotes article and Nkw is the set of articles with evaluative news published by outlet k in wave w. Yj can denote one of three possibilities: (…) Above, tj captures tone of an article, rj captures recency and lj is a measure of article length. (5) A series of OLS regression analyses were finally performed, with respondents’ expectations on the economy as dependent variable, exposure to media evaluations of the economy (tone), the weighted tone variables and lagged dependent variables as predictors. Castro, Nir & Skovsgaard (2018) How political interest and public service broadcasting strength impact cross-cutting, or counter-attitudinal media exposure; and whether public service media moderates the effect of political interest on cross-cutting exposure (a) 48,983 news stories from three newspapers and two TV news bulletins across 27 EU countries, collected by the European Election Media Study during the June 2009 European election campaign (May 14 to June 4 for some countries, up to May 17 to June 7 for others). Among such stories, 3,390 news evaluations on the national government’s record were identified and used to build the media content component of a cross-cutting media exposure measure. (b)Self-reported news media exposure and political interest from 27,079 individuals in 27 EU countries surveyed by the European Election Study consortium during the three weeks following the June 2009 European Parliament elections. May-June 2009 Tone toward the national government (positive (1), balanced/mixed (0), negative (–1) (1) A variable that accounts for the extent to which an individual approves (1) or disapproves (– 1) of the government’ s performance to date is built. (2) The mean of each national government’ s positive (1), balanced/mixed (0), or negative (– 1) evaluations found in each media outlet’ s news stories is computed. (3) Cross-cutting exposure is calculated by accounting for the absolute difference between each individual’ s approval of their government and the average degree for each media outlet this individual uses at least once a week, averaged by the number of news media outlets they follow. (4) Random-intercept regression models, using individual exposure to cross-cutting information as the dependent variable, and political interest, public service broadcasting strength (audience share) and an interaction between both as main independent variables, are run. This allows to account for the hierarchical structure of the data by decomposing individual and country-level variances, and also to explain the relationship between cross-cutting news media exposure and political interest, considering contextual interactions (i.e., with public service broadcasting strength). See Appendix B of the paper for the exact formula and a more detailed account of how scores are calculated for each individual and media outlet

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Madison, G. B., Paul Fairfield and Ingrid Harris, eds. Is There a Canadian Philosophy? Reflections on the Canadian Identity. By Marc Poulin 426Macklem, Patrick. Indigenous Difference and the Constitution of Canada. By Janet Ajzenstat 426Dupuis, Renée. Quel Canada pour les Autochtones? La fin de l'exclusion. Par Édith Garneau 428Gammer, Nicholas. From Peacekeeping to Peacemaking: Canada's Response to the Yugoslav Crisis. By Ann L. Griffiths 430Timpson, Annis May. Driven Apart: Women's Employment Equality and Child Care in Canadian Public Policy. By Kathy Teghtsoonian 432Young, Lisa. Feminists and Party Politics. By Brenda O'Neill 434Powe, Jr., Lucas A. The Warren Court and American Politics. By Carolyn N. Long 435Bland, Douglas L., ed. Backbone of the Army: Non-Commissioned Officers in the Future Army. By James H. Joyner, Jr. 437Brossard, Yves et Jonathan Vidal. L'éclatement de la Yougoslavie de Tito. Désintégration d'une fédération et guerres interethniques. Par Dany Deschênes 438Bowler, Shaun and Bernard Grofman, eds. Elections in Australia, Ireland, and Malta under the Single Transferable Vote: Reflections on an Embedded Institution. By Abraham Diskin 440Marques-Pereira, Bérengère et Patricio Nolasco, coordinateurs. La représentation politique des femmes en Amérique latine. Par Stéphanie Rousseau 441Parsa, Misagh. States, Ideologies and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of Iran, Nicaragua, and the Philippines. By David Close 444Ellis, Stephen. The Mask of Anarchy: The Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War. By Larry A. Swatuk 445Santoro, Michael A. Profits and Principles: Global Capitalism and Human Rights in China. By John Fuh-Sheng Hsieh 447Norman, E. Herbert. Japan's Emergence as a Modern State: Political and Economic Problems of the Meiji Period. By John S. Brownlee 448Kleinberg, Romanda Bensabat and Janine A. Clark, eds. Economic Liberalization, Democratization and Civil Society in the Developing World. By Jorge A. Schiavon 450Plattner, Marc F. and Alexander Smolar, eds. Globalization, Power, and Democracy. By Erkki Berndtson 452Eriksen, Erik Oddvar and John Erik Fossum, eds. Democracy in the European Union: Integration through Deliberation? By Antje Wiener 453Offen, Karen. European Feminisms 1700-1950: A Political History. By Penelope Deutscher 454Tomasi, John. Liberalism beyond Justice: Citizens, Society, and the Boundaries of Political Theory. By Alfonso J. Damico 456Dufour, Frédérick-Guillaume. Patriotisme constitutionnel et nationalisme. Sur Jürgen Habermas. Par Donald Ipperciel 458O'Neill, Michael and Dennis Austin, eds. Democracy and Cultural Diversity. By Steven Roach 461Newell, Peter. Climate for Change: Non-State Actors and the Global Politics of the Greenhouse. By Debora L. Vannijnatten 463Mayall, James. World Politics: Progress and Its Limits. By Robert Jackson 465Giddens, Anthony, ed. The Global Third Way Debate. By Phillip Wood 466

Abstract:

Field of application/theoretical foundation: Analyses of actor diversity are theoretically linked to news performance and the democratic media function of integration (Imhof, 2010). This construct is related to the normative assumption that news content should represent society as a whole and thus cover a large variety of societal groups (Boydstun et al., 2014). More recent studies also focus on the influence of algorithms on news diversity (Möller et al., 2018). Analyses are often carried out in three steps. First, all actors are (inductively or deductively) identified. Second, actors are coded according to predefined lists. Third, the level of diversity is determined using diversity indices (van Cuilenburg, 2007). Diversity indices are calculated at article level (internal diversity) or at the organizational level (external diversity) to compare diversity between news articles of a single outlet or between different news outlets. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Studies on actor diversity use both manual and automated content analysis to investigate the occurrence of actors and in texts. They use inductive or deductive approaches and/or a combination of both to identify actor categories and extend predefined lists of actors (van Hoof et al., 2014). Example studies: Masini et al. (2018); Humprecht & Esser (2018) Table 1. Summary of studies on actor diversity Author(s) Sample Unit of Analysis Values Reliability Masini et al. (2018) Content type: news about immigration Outlet/ country: 2 news outlets in four countries (BE, DE, IT, UK) Sampling period: January 2013 to April 2014 Sample size: N=2490) Unit of analysis: news article No. of actors coded: max. 10 quoted or paraphrased actors per article Level of analysis: article and news outlet level Diversity measure: Simpson’s diversity index National politics, international politics, public opinion and ordinary people, immigrants, civil society, public agencies/ organizations, judiciary/police/military, religion, business/corporate/finance, journalists/ media celebrities, traffickers/smugglers Krippendorff’s alpha average ?0.78 Humprecht & Esser (2018) Content type: Political routine-period news Outlet/ country: 48 online news outlets from six countries (CH, DE, FR, IT, UK, US) Sampling period: June – July 2012 Sample size: N= 1660 Unit of analysis: Political news items (make reference to a political actor, e.g. politician, party, institution in headline, sub?headline, in first paragraph or in an accompanying visual) News items are all journalistic articles mentioned on the front page (‘first layer’ of the website) that are linked to the actual story (on second layer of website) No. of actors coded: Max. 5 main actors (mentioned twice) per news item measured Level of analysis: news outlet level Diversity measure: relative entropy Executive (head of state and national government), legislative (national parliament and national parties), judicial (national courts and judges), national administration (prosecution, regional government authority, and police or army), foreign politicians (foreign heads of state and other foreign politicians), and international organizations (supranational and international organizations) Cohen’s kappa average ?0.76 References Boydstun, A. E., Bevan, S., & Thomas, H. F. (2014). The importance of attention diversity and how to measure it. Policy Studies Journal, 42(2), 173–196. https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12055 Humprecht, E., & Esser, F. (2018). Diversity in Online News: On the importance of ownership types and media system types. Journalism Studies, 19(12), 1825–1847. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2017.1308229 Imhof, K. (2010). Die Qualität der Medien in der Demokratie. In fög – Forschungsbereich Öffentlichkeit und Gesellschaft (Ed.), Jahrbuch 2010: Qualität der Medien Qualität der Medien (pp. 11–20). Schwabe. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-97101-2_1 Masini, A., Van Aelst, P., Zerback, T., Reinemann, C., Mancini, P., Mazzoni, M., Damiani, M., & Coen, S. (2018). Measuring and Explaining the Diversity of Voices and Viewpoints in the News: A comparative study on the determinants of content diversity of immigration news. Journalism Studies, 19(15), 2324–2343. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2017.1343650 Möller, J., Trilling, D., Helberger, N., & van Es, B. (2018). Do not blame it on the algorithm: an empirical assessment of multiple recommender systems and their impact on content diversity. Information Communication and Society, 21(7), 959–977. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2018.1444076 van Cuilenburg, J. (2007). Media Diversity, Competition and Concentration: Concepts and Theories. In E. de Bens (Ed.), Media Between Culture and Commerce (pp. 25–54). Intellect. van Hoof, A., Jacobi, C., Ruigrok, N., & van Atteveldt, W. (2014). Diverse politics, diverse news coverage? A longitudinal study of diversity in Dutch political news during two decades of election campaigns. European Journal of Communication, 29(6), 668–686. https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323114545712

Abstract:

Generic frames represent typical layers of contextualization in stories and are broadly applicable to a range of different news topics (i.e., across topics). Examples of generic frames are the human interest or responsibility frames (e.g., Dirikx & Gelders, 2010; Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Generic frames are used in different traditions of framing: (a) sociological tradition, such as frames in external news or images (e.g., Entman, 1993; Gamson & Modigliani, 1989), (b) psychological tradition, such as frames in people's minds (e.g., Tversky & Kahneman, 1981), and (3) communication science tradition, such as frame production (communicators or journalists develop frames), frame setting or frame building (journalists adopt frames from communicators) (e.g., Matthes, 2014; see Borah, 2011 for a systematic examination of framing research). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Research has conducted experimental studies to investigate how generic frames (e.g., conflict, morality or economics) affect selective exposure to climate change news (e.g., Feldman & Hart, 2018) or what impact gain and loss frames have on the perception of the threat posed by the consequences of climate change (Bilandzic et al., 2017). Example studies: Bilandzic et al. (2017); Dirikx & Gelders (2010); Feldman & Hart (2018) Information on Dirikx & Gelders (2010) Authors: Astrid Dirikx & Dave Gelders Research question: This study examines the way Dutch and French newspapers frame climate change during the annual United Nations Conferences of the Parties (COPs) Object of analysis: The study analyzed a total of 257 news articles in Dutch and French quality newspapers: De Volkskrant (N = 52) and NRC Handelsblad (N = 61) for the Netherlands and Le Monde (N = 77) and Le Figaro (N = 67) for France. Time frame of analysis: The analysis covers the annual meetings of the United Nations Conferences of the Parties (COPs) from 2001 until 2007 Info about variable Variables: Frames Attribution of responsibility: This frame presents an issue or problem in such a way that the responsibility or blame for the cause or the solution is placed on political authorities, individuals or groups Conflict frame: This frame emphasizes conflicts between parties/individuals and stresses the points of divergence between the opponents (Economic) consequences frame: This frame emphasizes the manner in which an issue will (economically) affect people Human interest frame: This frame presents an issue from a more emotional point of view; it personalizes a problem Morality frame: This frame presents situations from a religious/moral angle Level of analysis: Each of the four newspapers was first screened entirely for articles mentioning “climate change,” “global warming” or “greenhouse effect” in their title or lead. In an additional screening articles not matching these criteria but whose core content was related to climate change were selected. Different article types were taken into account: columns, interviews, commentaries and “classic” news articles. The unit of analysis was the whole article. Variables and values: The authors used a standard set of content analytic indicators to measure the prevalence of the five generic frames developed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000). They developed a series of 20 questions that can be answered with “don’t agree”, “largely agree” and “completely agree”. Each question was meant to measure one of five news media frames. Attribution of responsibility Does the story suggest that some level of government has the ability to alleviate the problem? Does the story suggest that some level of the government is responsible for the issue/problem? Does the story suggest solution(s) to the problem/issue? Does the story suggest that an individual (or group of people in society) is responsible for the issue-problem? Does the story suggest the problem requires urgent action? Human interest frame Does the story provide a human example or “human face” on the issue? Does the story employ adjectives or personal vignettes that generate feelings of outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, or compassion? Does the story emphasize how individuals and groups are affected by the issue/problem? Does the story go into the private or personal lives of the actors? Does the story contain visual information that might generate feelings of outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, or compassion? Conflict frame Does the story reflect disagreement between parties/individuals/groups/countries? Does one party/individual/group/country reproach another? Does the story refer to two sides or to more than two sides of the problem or issue? Does the story refer to winners and losers? Morality frame Does the story contain any moral message? Does the story make reference to morality, God, and other religious tenets? Does the story offer specific social prescriptions about how to behave? (Economic) consequences frame Is there a mention of financial losses or gains now or in the future? Is there a mention of the costs/degree of expense involved? Is there a reference to economic consequences of pursuing or not pursuing a course of action? Reliability: - Codebook: Table 1 in Dirikx & Gelders (2010) References Bilandzic, H., Kalch, A., & Soentgen, J. (2017). Effects of goal framing and emotions on perceived threat and willingness to sacrifice for climate change. Science Communication 39(4), 466-491. DOI: 10.1177/1075547017718553. Borah, P. (2011). Conceptual issues in framing theory: A systematic examination of a decade0s literature. Journal of Communication 61(2), 246-263. DOI:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2011.01539.x Dirikx, A., & Gelders, D. (2010). To frame is to explain: A deductive frame-analysis of Dutch and French climate change coverage during the annual UN Conferences of the Parties. Public Understanding of Science, 19(6), 732–742. DOI: 10.1177/0963662509352044. Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51–58. DOI:10.1111/ j.1460-2466.1993.tb01304.x Feldman, L., & Hart, P. S. (2018). Broadening exposure to climate change news? How Framing and political orientation interact to influence selective exposure. Journal of Communication 68(3), 503-524. DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqy011 Gamson, W. A., & Modigliani, A. (1989). Media discourse and public opinion on nuclear power: A constructionist approach. American Journal of Sociology, 95(1), 1–37. DOI:10.1086/229213 Matthes, J. (2014). Framing. Baden-Baden (Germany): Nomos. Semetko, H. A., & Valkenburg, P. M. (2000). Framing European politics: A content analysis of press and television news. Journal of Communication 50(2), 93-109. DOI: 10.1111/j.1460-2466.2000.tb02843.x. Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1981). The framing of decisions and the psychology of choice. Science 211(4481), 453–458. DOI:10.1126/ science.7455683

Abstract:

The variable impoliteness is an indicator used to describe violations of communication norms. These norms can be social norms established within a society, a culture or parts of a society (e.g. a social class, milieu or group). In this sense impoliteness is associated with, among other things, aggressive, offensive or derogatory communication expressed directly or indirectly to other individuals or parties. More specifically name calling, vulgar expressions or aspersions are classified as examples of impolite statements (e.g. Papacharissi, 2004; Seely, 2017). While some scholars distinguish between impoliteness and incivility and argue that impoliteness is more spontaneous, unintentional and more frequently regretted than incivility (e.g. Papacharissi, 2004; Rowe, 2015), other scholars include impoliteness into the concept of incivility and argue that the two concepts have no clear boundaries (Coe, Kenski, & Rains, 2014; e.g. Seely, 2017). In many studies a message is classified as impolite if the message contains at least one instance of impoliteness (e.g. a swear word). The direction of an impolite statement is coded as ‘interpersonal’/‘personal’ or ‘other-oriented’/‘impersonal’ or sometimes also as ‘neutral’, meaning it is not directed at any group or individual. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Impoliteness is a broader concept of violations of norms in communication that, in digital communication research, is often referred to in studies on incivility. Politeness can be related to theories on social norms of communication and conversation, for example conversational-maxims (Grice, 1975), face-saving concepts (Brown & Levinson, 1987; Goffman, 1989) or conversational-contract theories (Fraser, 1990). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Impoliteness is examined through content analysis and is sometimes combined with comparative designs (e.g., Rowe, 2015) or experimental designs (Muddiman, 2017; Oz, Zheng, & Chen, 2017). In addition, content analyses can be accompanied by interviews or surveys, for example to validate the results of the content analysis (Erjavec & Kova?i?, 2012). Example studies: Research question/research interest: Previous studies have been interested in the extent, levels and direction of impoliteness in online communication (e.g. in one specific online discussion, in discussions on a specific topic, in discussions on a specific platform or on different platforms comparatively). Object of analysis: Previous studies have investigated impoliteness in user comments on political newsgroups, news websites, social media platforms (e.g. Twitter, Facebook), political blogs, science blogs or online consultation platforms. Timeframe of analysis: Content analysis studies investigate impoliteness in user comments focusing on periods between 2 months and 1 year (Coe et al., 2014; Rowe, 2015; Seely, 2017). It is common to use constructed weeks. Level of analysis: Most manual content analysis studies measure impoliteness on the level of a message, for example on the level of user comments. On a higher level of analysis, the level of impoliteness for a whole discussion thread or online platform could be measured or estimated. On a lower level of analysis impoliteness can be measured on the level of utterances, sentences or words which are the preferred levels of analysis in automated content analyses. Table 1. Previous manual content analysis studies and measures of impoliteness Example study Construct Dimensions/Variables Explanation/example Reliability Papacharissi (2004) impoliteness (separate from incivility) name-calling e.g. “weirdo”, “traitor”, “crackpot” Ir = .91 aspersion e.g. “reckless”, “irrational”, “un-American” Ir = .91 synonyms for liar e.g. “hoax”, “farce” N/A hyperboles e.g. “outrageous”, “heinous” N/A non-cooperation - N/A pejorative speak - N/A vulgarity e.g. ”sh*t”, “damn”, “hell” Ir = .89 sarcasm - N/A all-capital letters used online to reflect shouting N/A impoliteness Ir = .90 Coe et al. (2014) impoliteness (included in incivility) name-calling mean-spirited or disparaging words directed at a person or group of people K-? = .67 aspersion mean-spirited or disparaging words directed at an idea, plan, policy, or behavior K-? = .61 reference to lying stating or implying that an idea, plan, or policy was disingenuous K-? = .73 vulgarity using profanity or language that would not be considered proper (e.g., “pissed”, “screw”) in professional discourse K-? = .91 pejorative for speech disparaging remark about the way in which a person communicates K-? = .74 impoliteness/incivility K-? = .73 Rowe (2015) impoliteness (separate from incivility) name-calling e.g., “gun-nut”, “idiot”, “fool” ? = .82 aspersion comments containing an attack on the reputation or integrity of someone or something ? = .72 lying comments implying disingenuousness N/A vulgarity e.g., “crap”, “sh*t”, any swear-words/cursing, sexual innuendo ? = 1 pejorative comments containing language which disparage the manner in which someone communicates (e.g., blather, crying, moaning) ? = 1 hyperbole a massive overstatement (e.g., makes pulling teeth with pliers look easy) ? = .75 non-cooperation a situation in a discussion in terms of a stalemate ? = .66 sarcasm - ? = .71 other impoliteness any other type of impoliteness ? = .72 impoliteness ? = .78 Seely (2017) impoliteness (included in incivility) insulting language name calling and other derogatory remarks often seen in pejorative speech and aspersions K-? = .84 vulgarity e.g. “lazy f**kers”, “a**holes” K-? = 1 stereotyping of political party/ideology e.g. “typical lying lefties” K-? = .88 stereotyping using “isms”/discriminatory language e.g. “if we don’t get rid of idiotic Muslim theologies, we will have growing problems” K-? = 1 other stereotyping language e.g. “GENERALS LIKE TO HAVE A MALE SOLDIER ON THEIR LAP AT ALL TIMES.” K-? = .78 sarcasm e.g. “betrayed again by the Repub leadership . . . what a shock” K-? = .79 accusations of lying e.g. “typical lying lefties” K-? = .80 shouting excessive capitalization and/or exclamation points K-? = .83 impoliteness/incivility K-? = .81 Note: Previous studies used different inter-coder reliability statistics: Ir = reliability index by Perreault and Leigh (1989); K-? = Krippendorff’s-?; ? = Cohen’s Kappa Codebook used in the study Rowe (2015) is available under: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369118X.2014.940365 References Brown, P., & Levinson, S. C. (1987). Politeness: Some universals in language usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Coe, K., Kenski, K., & Rains, S. A. (2014). Online and Uncivil? Patterns and Determinants of Incivility in Newspaper Website Comments. Journal of Communication, 64(4), 658–679. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.12104 Erjavec, K., & Kova?i?, M. P. (2012). “You Don't Understand, This is a New War! ” Analysis of Hate Speech in News Web Sites' Comments. Mass Communication and Society, 15(6), 899–920. https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2011.619679 Fraser, B. (1990). Perspectives on politeness. Journal of Pragmatics, 14(2), 219–236. https://doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(90)90081-n Goffman, E. (1989). Interaction ritual: Essays on face-to-face behavior. New York: Pantheon Books. Grice, P. H. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole (Ed.), Syntax and Semantics: Speech acts (pp. 41–58). New York: Academic Press. Muddiman, A. (2017). : Personal and public levels of political incivility. International Journal of Communication, 11, 3182–3202. Oz, M., Zheng, P., & Chen, G. M. (2017). Twitter versus Facebook: Comparing incivility, impoliteness, and deliberative attributes. New Media & Society, 20(9), 3400–3419. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444817749516 Papacharissi, Z. (2004). Democracy online: Civility, politeness, and the democratic potential of online political discussion groups. New Media & Society, 6(2), 259–283. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444804041444 Rowe, I. (2015). Civility 2.0: A comparative analysis of incivility in online political discussion. Information, Communication & Society, 18(2), 121–138. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2014.940365 Seely, N. (2017). Virtual Vitriol: A Comparative Analysis of Incivility Within Political News Discussion Forums. Electronic News, 12(1), 42–61. https://doi.org/10.1177/1931243117739060

Abstract:

One of the most crucial decisions political candidates make ahead of an election is whether they want to focus on their image or that of their their political opponents in their advertisem*nt (Lau and Rovner , 2009). During electoral campaigns, candidates need to decide whether they use political advertisem*nt to display a positive image of themselves or whether they try to make the opponent look bad. The first strategy is referred to as Acclaim or Positive Ads. The second approach, according to Surlin and Gordon is called Negative Campaigning and is applied by a political candidate when (s)he “attacks the other candidate personally, the issues for which the other candidate stands, or the party of the other candidate” (1977, p. 93). However, measuring negative campaigning poses a challenge to academic research since content analyses often fail to address the grey areas of this concept. To begin with, many political ads compare positive characteristics of a candidate against opponents’ more negative ones. (Lau & Rovner, 2009). Ads that contain both strategies, shedding positive light on the candidate while also highlighting negative aspects about the opponent’s character or policies are called Comparison or Comparative Ads. These comparisons are difficult to code with straightforward approaches. For example, analyzing campaigns along a positive/negative dichotomy by discounting attacks to the opponent from positive self-presentations may equate strongly positively and negatively charged political advertising to neutral campaigns. Also, negativity in political campaigning is studied in different contexts and has been extended as a number of studies on negative campaigning look in particular at Attacks and Rebuttals/Defense from opponents after an attack (Benoit, 2000; Benoit & Airne, 2009; Erigha & Charles, 2012; Lee & Benoit, 2004; Torres, Hyman, & Hamilton, 2012). This distinction raises other important methodological and theoretical implications. Sweeping measures of negativity based on common scholarly definitions do not consider voters’ tolerance towards the use of certain forms of negativity by candidates (for example, rebutting an attack from an opponent) that may be perceived as legitimate. Not accounting for such nuances is what makes many negativity measures unable to accurately gauge the effects of negative campaigning among the electorate (Sigelman & Kugler, 2003). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Negative campaigning and its related constructs (such as attacks or rebuttals) have been often associated with current trends in political communication of modernization and professionalization of election campaigns (Voltmer, 2004). Negative campaigning is indeed a development that can be observed across many different political contexts (Kaid & Holtz-Bacha, 2006). Campaign strategies using negative messages about a political opponent have been studied relying on theories from social and cognitive psychology (Kahn & Kenney, 1999; Lau, 1985) and mostly in regard to their potential consequences for a healthy democracy (Lau & Rovner, 2009). Their operationalization follows a simple schema by coding whether a certain construct is present in a given advertising piece or not. Alternatively, it is coded which kind of category best reflects on the content of a given political advertisem*nt. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Negative campaigning and related constructs have been studied through content analysis both of paid advertisem*nt (Benoit, 2000) and news coverage by the mass media (Lau & Pomper, 2004); The features and effects of negative campaigning have also been analyzed through voter surveys (Brader, 2005, 2006) and interviews with campaign managers (Kahn & Kenney, 1999). Its effects were furthermore more precisely measured through numerous experimental studies (Ansolabehere, Iyengar, Simon, & Valentino, 1994; overview see: Lau et al., 2007). Example studies: Table 1: Overview exemplary studies measuring of negative campaigning and related constructs Authors Sample Unit of analysis Constructs Values Reliability Benoit (2000), Benoit & Airne (2009), Lee & Benoit (2004) Television ads, direct mail, newspaper ads, and candidate web pages Acclaim Acclaims portray the sponsored candidate in a favorable light, both his/her character and/or policy (Benoit, 2000, 281, 295) 0 = not present 1 = present Cohen’s kappa average = .96 Erigha & Charles (2012) Television and web advertisem*nts Non-negative/ advocacy A non-negative/advocacy ad favors a party’s candidate, focusing solely on that individual. 1 = non-negative / advocacy 2 = comparison 3= attack ads (exclusive options) Cohen’s kappa average = .96 Torres et al. (2012) Presidential candidate–sponsored TV ads Non-comparative ad If the ad simply mentions positive attributes of a particular candidate without mentioning an opponent, the ad is coded as a non-comparison (positive) ad (p. 196) 1 = comparative ad 2 = negative ad 3= non-comparative ad (exclusive options) Cohen’s kappa average = .98 Steffan & Venema (2019) Campaign posters Textual negative campaigning Visual negative campaigning Based on Lau and Pomper’s (2002), textual/visual negative campaiging indicates whether the image / text on the campaign posters referred to other political parties or candidates. (p. 273) 0 = not present 1 = present Visual negative campaigning: Krippendorff’s α = .82 Textual negative campaigning: Krippendorff’s α = .84 Torres et al. (2012) Presidential candidate–sponsored TV ads Negative ad If the ad criticizes the opposing party and/or candidate but offers no alternative (in essence, the ad presents negative information about an opponent but no information about the candidate on whose behalf it is run), then the ad is coded as a negative ad. 1 = comparative ad 2 = negative ad 3= non-comparative ad (exclusive options) Cohen’s kappa average = .98 Ceccobelli (2018) Facebook posts Negative rhetorical strategy The posts taken into consideration are those in which leaders employ a purely negative campaigning strategy. Cases in which a hypothetic leader A attacks one or more political opponents by comparing his/her own figure or policy proposal with the one(s) of her/his competitor(s) are not coded, since they denote a comparative rhetorical strategy (p. 129) 0 = not present 1 = present Krippendorff’s α average = .85 Benoit (2000), Benoit & Airne (2009), Lee & Benoit (2004) Television spots, direct mail pieces, newspaper ads, and candidate web pages Attack Portrays the opposing candidate in an unfavorable light, both his/her character and/or policy (Benoit, 2000, 281, 295) 0 = not present 1 = present Cohen’s kappa average = .96 Erigha & Charles (2012) Television and web advertisem*nts Attack ads Attack ads criticize the opposing candidate without referencing the sponsoring party’s candidate (p. 443) 1 = non-negative / advocacy 2 = comparison 3= attack ads (exclusive options) Cohen's kappa average = .96 Benoit (2000), Benoit & Airne (2009), Lee & Benoit (2004) Television spots, direct mail pieces, newspaper ads, and candidate web pages Defense Defense responds to (refutes) an attack on the candidate, both on his/her character and/or policy (Benoit, 2000, 281, 295) 0 = not present 1 = present Cohen’s kappa average = .96 Erigha & Charles (2012) Television and web advertisem*nts Comparison A comparison ad weighs two credentials, characteristics, or policystances (p. 443) 1 = non-negative / advocacy 2 = comparison 3= attack ads (exclusive options) Cohen's kappa average = .956 Torres et al. (2012) Presidential candidate–sponsored TV ads Comparative ad If the ad criticizes the opposing party and/or candidate and recommends alternative courses of action by comparing two candidates on specific points so as to present one in a more positive and the other in a more negative light, then the ad is coded as a comparative ad (p. 195) 1 = comparative ad 2 = negative ad 3= non-comparative ad (exclusive options) Cohen’s kappa average = .98 References Ansolabehere, S., Iyengar, S., Simon, A., & Valentino, N. (1994). Does Attack Advertising Demobilize the Electorate? American Political Science Review, 88(4), 829–838. https://doi.org/10.2307/2082710 Benoit, W. L. (2000). A Functional Analysis of Political Advertising across Media, 1998. Communication Studies, 51(3), 274–295. https://doi.org/10.1080/10510970009388524 Benoit, W. L., & Airne, D. (2009). Non-Presidential Political Advertising in Campaign 2004. Human Communication, 12(1), 91–117. Brader, T. (2005). Striking a Responsive Chord: How Political Ads Motivate and Persuade Voters by Appealing to Emotions. American Journal of Political Science, 49(2), 388. https://doi.org/10.2307/3647684 Brader, T. (2006). Campaigning for hearts and minds: How emotional appeals in political ads work. Studies in communication, media, and public opinion. Chicago, Ill.: Univ. of Chicago Press. Retrieved from http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0622/2005009159-b.html Buell, E. H., & Sigelman, L. (2008). Attack politics: Negativity in presidential campaigns since 1960. Studies in government and public policy. Lawrence, Kan.: Univ. Press of Kansas. Ceccobelli, D. (2018). Not Every Day is Election Day: a Comparative Analysis of Eighteen Election Campaigns on Facebook. Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 15(2), 122–141. https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2018.1449701 Erigha, M., & Charles, C. Z. (2012). Other, Uppity Obama: A Content Analysis of Race Appeals in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 9(2), 439–456. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1742058X12000264 Geer, J. G. (2010). In defense of negativity: Attack ads in presidential campaigns. Studies in communication, media, and public opinion. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlabk&AN=319130 Kahn, K. F., & Kenney, P. J. (1999). Do Negative Campaigns Mobilize or Suppress Turnout? Clarifying the Relationship between Negativity and Participation. American Political Science Review, 93(4), 877–889. https://doi.org/10.2307/2586118 Kaid, L. L., & Holtz-Bacha, C. (Eds.) (2006). The SAGE handbook of political advertising. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publications. Kanouse, D. E., & Hansen, L. R. (1987). Negativity in evaluations. In E. E. Jones, D. E. Kanouse, H. H. Kelley, R. E. Nisbett, S. Valins, & B. Weiner (Eds.), Attribution: Perceiving the causes of behavior. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum. Lau, R. R. (1985). Two explanations for negativity effects in political behavior. American Journal of Political Science. (29), 119–138. Lau, R. R., & Pomper, G. M. (2004). Negative campaigning: An analysis of U.S. Senate elections. Campaigning American style. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield. Lau, R. R., & Rovner, I. B. (2009). Negative Campaigning. Annual Review of Political Science, 12(1), 285–306. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.071905.101448 Lau, R. R., Sigelman, L., & Rovner, I. B. (2007). The Effects of Negative Political Campaigns: A Meta-Analytic Reassessment. The Journal of Politics, 69(4), 1176–1209. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00618.x Lee, C., & Benoit, W. L. (2004). A Functional Analysis of Presidential Television Spots: A Comparison of Korean and American Ads. Communication Quarterly, 52(1), 68–79. https://doi.org/10.1080/01463370409370179 Sigelman, L., & Kugler, M. (2003). Why Is Research on the Effects of Negative Campaigning So Inconclusive? Understanding Citizens’ Perceptions of Negativity. The Journal of Politics, 65(1), 142–160. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2508.t01-1-00007 Steffan, D., & Venema, N. (2019). Personalised, De-Ideologised and Negative? A Longitudinal Analysis of Campaign Posters for German Bundestag Elections, 1949–2017. European Journal of Communication, 34(3), 267–285. https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323119830052 Surlin, S. H., & Gordon, T. F. (1977). How Values Affect Attitudes Toward Direct Reference Political Advertising. Journalism Quarterly, 54(1), 89–98. https://doi.org/10.1177/107769907705400113 Torres, I. M., Hyman, M. R., & Hamilton, J. (2012). Candidate-Sponsored TV Ads for the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election: A Content Analysis. Journal of Political Marketing, 11(3), 189–207. https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2012.703907 Voltmer, K. (2004). Mass media and political communication in new democracies: Routledge.

Abstract:

Disinformation can appear in various forms. Firstly, different formats can be manipulated, such as texts, images, and videos. Secondly, the amount and degree of falseness can vary, from completely fabricated content to decontextualized information to satire that intentionally misleads recipients. Therefore, the forms and format of disinformation might vary and differ not only between the supposedly clear categories of “true” and “false”. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Studies on types of disinformation are conducted in various fields, e.g. political communication, journalism studies, and media effects studies. Among other things, the studies identify the most common types of mis- or disinformation during certain events (Brennen, Simon, Howard, & Nielsen, 2020), analyze and categorize the behavior of different types of Twitter accounts (Linvill & Warren, 2020), and investigate the existence of serveral types of “junk news” in different national media landscapes (Bradshaw, Howard, Kollanyi, & Neudert, 2020; Neudert, Howard, & Kollanyi, 2019). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Only relatively few studies use combinations of methods. Some studies identify different types of disinformation via qualitative and quantitative content analyses (Bradshaw et al., 2020; Brennen et al., 2020; Linvill & Warren, 2020; Neudert et al., 2019). Others use surveys to analyze respondents’ concerns as well as exposure towards different types of mis- and disinformation (Fletcher, 2018). Example studies: Brennen et al. (2020); Bradshaw et al. (2020); Linvill and Warren (2020) Information on example studies: Types of disinformation are defined by the presentation and contextualization of content and sometimes additionally by details (e.g. professionalism) about the communicator. Studies either deductively identify different types of disinformation (Brennen et al., 2020) by applying the theoretical framework by Wardle (2019), or additionally inductively identify and build different categories based on content analyses (Bradshaw et al., 2020; Linvill & Warren, 2020). Table 1. Types of mis-/disinformation by Brennen et al. (2020) Category Specification Satire or parody - False connection Headlines, visuals or captions don’t support the content Misleading content Misleading use of information to frame an issue or individual, when facts/information are misrepresented or skewed False context Genuine content is shared with false contextual information, e.g. real images which have been taken out of context Imposter content Genuine sources, e.g. news outlets or government agencies, are impersonated Fabricated content Content is made up and 100% false; designed to deceive and do harm Manipulated content Genuine information or imagery is manipulated to deceive, e.g. deepfakes or other kinds of manipulation of audio and/or visuals Note. The categories are adapted from the theoretical framework by Wardle (2019). The coding instruction was: “To the best of your ability, what type of misinformation is it? (Select one that fits best.)” (Brennen et al., 2020, p. 12). The coders reached an intercoder reliability of a Cohen’s kappa of 0.82. Table 2. Criteria for the “junk news” label by Bradshaw et al. (2020) Criteria Reference Specification Professionalism refers to the information about authors and the organization “Sources do not employ the standards and best practices of professional journalism, including information about real authors, editors, and owners” (pp. 174-175). “Distinct from other forms of user-generated content and citizen journalism, junk news domains satisfy the professionalism criterion because they purposefully refrain from providing clear information about real authors, editors, publishers, and owners, and they do not publish corrections of debunked information” (p. 176). Procedure: - Systematically checked the about pages of domains: Contact information, information about ownership and editors, and other information relating to professional standards - Reviewed whether the sources appeared in third-party fact-checking reports - Checked whether sources published corrections of fact-checked reporting. Examples: zerohedge.com, conservative- fighters.org, deepstatenation.news Counterfeit refers to the layout and design of the domain itself “(…) [S]ources mimic established news reporting by using certain fonts, having branding, and employing content strategies. (…) Junk news is stylistically disguised as professional news by the inclusion of references to news agencies and credible sources as well as headlines written in a news tone with date, time, and location stamps. In the most extreme cases, outlets will copy logos and counterfeit entire domains” (p. 176). Procedure: - Systematically reviewed organizational information about the owner and headquarters by checking sources like Wikipedia, the WHOIS database, and third-party fact-checkers (like Politico or MediaBiasFactCheck) - Consulted country-specific expert knowledge of the media landscape in the US to identify counterfeiting websites. Examples: politicoinfo.com, NBC.com.co Style refers to the content of the domain as a whole “ (…) [S]tyle is concerned with the literary devices and language used throughout news reporting. (…) Designed to systematically manipulate users for political purposes, junk news sources deploy propaganda techniques to persuade users at an emotional, rather than cognitive, level and employ techniques that include using emotionally driven language with emotive expressions and symbolism, ad hominem attacks, misleading headlines, exaggeration, excessive capitalization, unsafe generalizations, logical fallacies, moving images and lots of pictures or mobilizing memes, and innuendo (Bernays, 1928; Jowette & O’Donnell, 2012; Taylor, 2003). (…) Stylistically, problematic sources will employ propaganda and clickbait techniques to varying degrees. As a result, determining style can be highly complex and context dependent” (p. 177). Procedure: - Examined at least five stories on the front page of each news source in depth during the US presidential campaign in 2016 and the SOTU address in 2018 - Checked the headlines of the stories and the content of the articles for literary and visual propaganda devices - Considered as stylistically problematic if three of the five stories systematically exhibited elements of propaganda Examples: 100percentfedup.com, barenakedislam.com, theconservativetribune.com, dangerandplay.com Credibility refers to the content of the domain as a whole “(…) [S]ources rely on false information or conspiracy theories and do not post corrections” (p. 175). “[They] typically report on unsubstantiated claims and rely on conspiratorial and dubious sources. (…) Junk news sources that satisfy the credibility criterion frequently fail to vet their sources, do not consult multiple sources, and do not fact-check” (p. 178). Procedure: - Examined at least five front page stories and reviewed the sources that were cited - Reviewed pages to see if they included known conspiracy theories on issues such as climate change, vaccination, and “Pizzagate” - Checked third-party fact-checkers for evidence of debunked stories and conspiracy theories Examples: infowars.com, endingthefed.com, thegatewaypundit.com, newspunch.com Bias refers to the content of the domain as a whole “(…) [H]yper-partisan media websites and blogs (…) are highly biased, ideologically skewed, and publish opinion pieces as news. Basing their stories on the same events, these sources manage to convey strikingly different impressions of what actually transpired. It is such systematic differences in the mapping from facts to news reports that we call bias. (…) Bias exists on both sides of the political spectrum. Like determining style, determining bias can be highly complex and context dependent” (pp. 177-178). Procedure: - Checked third-party sources that systematically evaluate media bias - If the domain was not evaluated by a third party, the authors examined the ideological leaning of the sources used to support stories appearing on the domain - Evaluation of the labeling of politicians (are there differences between the left and the right?) - Identified bias created through the omission of unfavorable facts, or through writing that is falsely presented as being objective Examples on the right: breitbart.com, dailycaller.com, infowars.com, truthfeed.com Examples on the left: occupydemocrats.com, addictinginfo.com, bipartisanreport.com Note. The coders reached an intercoder reliability of a Krippendorff’s kappa of 0.89. The label of “junk news” is defined by fulfilling at least three of the five criteria. It refers to sources that deliberately publish misleading, deceptive, or incorrect information packaged as real news. Table 3. Identified types of IRA-associated Twitter accounts by Linvill and Warren (2020) Category Specification Right troll “Twitter-handles broadcast nativist and right-leaning populist messages. These handles’ themes were distinct from mainstream Republicanism. (…) They rarely broadcast traditionally important Republican themes, such as taxes, abortion, and regulation, but often sent divisive messages about mainstream and moderate Republicans. (…) The overwhelming majority of handles, however, had limited identifying information, with profile pictures typically of attractive, young women” (p. 5). Hashtags frequently used by these accounts: #MAGA (i.e., “Make America Great Again,”), #tcot (i.e. “Top Conservative on Twitter), #AmericaFirst, and #IslamKills Left troll “These handles sent socially liberal messages, with an overwhelming focus on cultural identity. (…) They discussed gender and sexual identity (e.g., #LGBTQ) and religious identity (e.g., #MuslimBan), but primarily focused on racial identity. Just as the Right Troll handles attacked mainstream Republican politicians, Left Troll handles attacked mainstream Democratic politicians, particularly Hillary Clinton. (…) It is worth noting that this account type also included a substantial portion of messages which had no clear political motivation” (p. 6). Hashtags frequently used by these accounts: #BlackLivesMatter, #PoliceBrutality, and #BlackSkinIsNotACrime Newsfeed “These handles overwhelmingly presented themselves as U.S. local news aggregators and had descriptive names (…). These accounts linked to legitimate regional news sources and tweeted about issues of local interest (…). A small number of these handles, (…) tweeted about global issues, often with a pro-Russia perspective” (p. 6). Hashtags frequently used by these accounts: #news, #sports, and #local Hashtag gamer “These handles are dedicated almost entirely to playing hashtag games, a popular word game played on Twitter. Users add a hashtag to a tweet (e.g., #ThingsILearnedFromCartoons) and then answer the implied question. These handles also posted tweets that seemed organizational regarding these games (…). Like some tweets from Left Trolls, it is possible such tweets were employed as a form of camouflage, as a means of accruing followers, or both. Other tweets, however, often using the same hashtag as mundane tweets, were socially divisive (…)” (p. 7). Hashtags frequently used by these accounts: #ToDoListBeforeChristmas, #ThingsYouCantIgnore, #MustBeBanned, and #2016In4Words Fearmonger “These accounts spread disinformation regarding fabricated crisis events, both in the U.S. and abroad. Such events included non-existent outbreaks of Ebola in Atlanta and Salmonella in New York, an explosion at the Columbian Chemicals plan in Louisiana, a phosphorus leak in Idaho, as well as nuclear plant accidents and war crimes perpetrated in Ukraine. (…) These accounts typically tweeted a great deal of innocent, often frivolous content (i.e. song lyrics or lines of poetry) which were potentially automated. With this content these accounts often added popular hashtags such as #love (…) and #rap (…). These accounts changed behavior sporadically to tweet disinformation, and that output was produced using a different Twitter client than the one used to produce the frivolous content. (…) The Fearmonger category was the only category where we observed some inconsistency in account activity. A small number of handles tweeted briefly in a manner consistent with the Right Troll category but switched to tweeting as a Fearmonger or vice-versa” (p. 7). Hashtags frequently used by these accounts: #f*ckushima2015 and #ColumbianChemicals Note. The categories were identified qualitatively analyzing the content produced and were then refined and explored more detailed via a quantitative analysis. The coders reached a Krippendorff’s alpha intercoder-reliability of 0.92. References Bradshaw, S., Howard, P. N., Kollanyi, B., & Neudert, L.?M. (2020). Sourcing and automation of political news and information over social media in the United States, 2016-2018. Political Communication, 37(2), 173–193. Brennen, J. S., Simon, F. M., Howard, P. N. [P. N.], & Nielsen, R. K. (2020). Types, sources, and claims of covid-19 misinformation. Reuters Institute. Retrieved from http://www.primaonline.it/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/COVID-19_reuters.pdf Fletcher, R. (2018). Misinformation and disinformation unpacked. Reuters Institute. Retrieved from http://www.digitalnewsreport.org/survey/2018/misinformation-and-disinformation-unpacked/ Linvill, D. L., & Warren, P. L. (2020). Troll factories: Manufacturing specialized disinformation on Twitter. Political Communication, 1–21. Neudert, L.?M., Howard, P., & Kollanyi, B. (2019). Sourcing and automation of political news and information during three European elections. Social Media + Society, 5(3). https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305119863147 Wardle, C. (2019). First Draft's essential guide to understanding information disorder. UK: First Draft News. Retrieved from https://firstdraftnews.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/Information_Disorder_Digital_AW.pdf?x76701

Abstract:

Correlational or second-order linkage analyses (Schulz, 2008) correlate content data points and survey data at the aggregate level. They are generally used to infer the impact of public opinion climate, the media context or media use on individual attitudes, cognitions and behaviors. Correlational linkage analyses make use of data collected at different points in time to be able to describe patterns of change and stability over time and to compensate for the reduced number of observations resulting from aggregating individual-level data. They often employ manual and automated content analysis, descriptive and inferential statistical analyses, and time series analysis. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Linkage analyses have extensively been used in the fields of political communication (Soroka, 2002), EU studies (Brosius et al., 2019a), and more recently, social media and social movements. Studies that employed second-order linkage analyses are related to theories of agenda setting (McCombs & Shaw, 1972), framing (Vliegenthart et al., 2008), or media bias and tone (Brosius et al., 2019b) (see chapter Content Analysis in Mixed Method approaches for a detailed account of applications and advantages of using linkage analyses). Example studies: In this data entry we describe two studies that regress survey data on media content data with additional weighs to better model news media effects. The first study (Boomgaarden & Vliegenthart, 2007) weigh media coverage of a particular topic (immigration) by issue prominence and circulation of the newspapers considered in the study. The second one (Vliegenthart et al., 2008) further introduces a publication recency moderator to account for how close in time a given news story was published from when survey data was collected and individuals may have been exposed to such piece of information. References Boomgaarden, H. G., & Vliegenthart, R. (2007). Explaining the rise of anti-immigrant parties: The role of news media content. Electoral Studies, 26(2), 404–417. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2006.10.018 Brosius, A., van Elsas, E. J., & de Vreese, C. H. (2019a). Trust in the European Union: Effects of the information environment. European Journal of Communication, 34(1), 57–73. Brosius, A., van Elsas, E. J., & de Vreese, C. H. (2019b). How media shape political trust: News coverage of immigration and its effects on trust in the European Union. European Union Politics, 20(3), 447–467. https://doi.org/10.1177/1465116519841706 McCombs, M. E., & Shaw, D. L. (1972). The agenda-setting function of mass media. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36(2), 176–187. Schulz, W. (2008). Content analyses and public opinion research. The SAGE Handbook of Public Opinion Research, 348–357. Soroka, S. N. (2002). Issue attributes and agenda-setting by media, the public, and policymakers in Canada. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 14(3), 264–285. Vliegenthart, R., Schuck, A. R., Boomgaarden, H. G., & De Vreese, C. H. (2008). News coverage and support for European integration, 1990–2006. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 20(4), 415–439. Table 1. Data matching in correlational linkage analyses Author(s) Relationship of theoretical interest Sample Time frame Content-analytical constructs Linkage strategy Boomgarden & Vliegenthart (2007) News media reporting about immigration-related topics on aggregate share of vote intention for anti-immigrant parties (a) 157,968 articles collected through computer-assisted analysis, dealing with immigration and published in the five most-read Dutch national newspapers (b) Monthly self-reports on vote intention toward anti-immigrant parties from surveyed representative samples of the Dutch population (c) Monthly number of people that moved to the Netherlands and unemployment rates available from the Dutch governmental statistical institute 1990-2002 Visibility of immigration-related topics in news (1) The authors calculate a visibility score per article by computing: (1.1.) an average person’s log probability that s/he is exposed to news about immigration through a given article. This is done by using the frequency with which this article mentions immigration-related topics (f(t,a), both in the headline (fh(t,a)), in which case the frequency is weighed by 8, and in the body of the text (fb(t,a)), in which case the frequency is multiplied by 2. (1.2.) 1.1. is weighed by circulation of the newspaper where the article is published (c(a)). (1.3.) 1.1. is weighed by whether the article is placed in the front page or other to account for how prominently the topic is featured (fp(a)). Notationally, the equation can be written as follows: (…) (2) In a second step, V(a) are aggregated for all articles in all outlets by month (the time unit to link content and survey data) (3) Final immigration visibility scores (independent variable) are linked to monthly percentage of people that reported intending to vote for an anti-immigration party (dependent variable) through time series analysis. The authors run ARIMA models, successively adding controls for extreme right leadership peaks (Fortuyn’s entrance in the political arena and assassination), immigration levels, unemployment rates, the interaction between the both and finally, the media visibility variables. Vliegenthart, Schuck, Boomgaarden, De Vreese (2008) How framing of EU news in terms of benefit and conflict explains public support for the EU (a) 329,746 articles that contained at least one reference to the European institutions in main newspapers of 7 EU countries (Denmark, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom) were computer-assisted content analysed to obtain data on EU media visibility. (b) 9,649 hand-coded articles that mentioned the EU at least twice (at least one of these references in the headline or in the lead of the article) were then analysed to investigate the framing of the EU. Approximately 50 articles per country were coded for each 6-month period. (c) Self-reports on EU support from the bi-annual standard Eurobarometer. 1990–2006 (a) News media attention/visibility of the EU (b) Presence of a benefit frame or a disadavantage frame in EU news coverage © Presence of a conflict framing in EU news coverage (1) Articles dealing with the EU (at least one reference) are weighed by prominence and publication recency as follows: Articles on the first page of a newspaper are counted twice as heavily as articles in the remainder of the newspaper; articles appearing in the month before a Eurobarometer survey was conducted are weighed six times, they are counted five times if appeared 2 months before, etc. The weighted EU visibility score is aggregated for each time period t in each country c. (2) Framing scores are then assigned to each article (benefit and disadvantage frames 0-2, conflict framing ranged from 0 to 3) (3) Mean framing scores per time period–country combination (fs(t,c)) are multiplied by visibility scores (vs(t,c)) to capture the overall salience of the frames (beyond its presence) as follows: (…) (4) OLS regressions with panel corrected standard errors are run with benefit, disadvantage and conflict framing as main independent variables, and aggregated-level support for the EU as dependent variable

Abstract:

Public engagement of scientists is defined as “all kinds of publicly accessible communication carried out by people presenting themselves as scientists. This includes scholarly communication directed at peers as well as science communication directed at lay publics” (Jünger & Fähnrich, 2019, p. 7). Field of application/theoretical foundation: The variable “public engagement of scientists” can be differentiated according to the following three main dimensions (Jünger & Fähnrich, 2019): Directions of engagement: Describes the extent to which communication scientists on Twitter connect with people from different sectors of society (e.g. science, politics, media, economy). This allows conclusions to the potential influence of scientists reaching specific audiences beyond the scientific community (Jünger & Fähnrich, 2019). Topics of engagement: Previous research reveals that social scientists not only act as experts in their research field, but often present themselves as public intellectuals by also referring to political and social issues (Albæk, Christiansen, & Togeby, 2003; Fähnrich & Lüthje, 2017). For this reason, communication scientists are expected to communicate not only on scientific but also on political or economic issues. Modes of engagement: In addition to disseminating information, social networking sites also allow for more interactive ways of maintaining relationships. Thus, following Ellison and Boyd (2013), it can be assumed that communication on social networking sites can be both content-centered and user-centered. This dimension can be linked to the speech act theory (Klemm, 2000; Searle, 1990), according to which every use of language has a performative function. References/combination with other methods of data collection: In some cases, a mixed method approach, employing two data collection methods, is applied: a content analysis is complemented by a survey to gain information about the science communicators such as demographic information (Hara, Abbazio, & Perkins, 2019). Furthermore, their social networks are investigated by means of network analysis (Walter, Lörcher, & Brüggemann, 2019). Example studies: Hara et al. (2019); Jahng & Lee (2018); Kouper (2010); Mahrt & Puschmann (2014); Walter et al. (2019) Information on Jünger & Fähnrich, 2019 Authors: Jakob Jünger & Birte Fähnrich, 2019 Research questions: How can the public engagement of scientists in the context of online communication be conceptualized? Which types of engagement occur in the Twitter activity of communication scholars? Object of analysis: Tweets and followers belonging to the Twitter profiles of communication scientists who are following the International Communication Association (ICA) on Twitter (only German- and English-speaking users) Timeframe of analysis: Data collection in September 2017 Info about variables Variable name/definition: Subject area of the content of the tweets Level of analysis: Tweet Values: - Science-related topics (research, teaching) - Non-scientific topics (politics, economy, media, sports, environment, society, leisure time, and others) Scale of measurement: Nominal Reliability: Gwet’s AC1: 0,71 – 1,00; Holsti: 0,82 – 1,00 Variable name/definition: Language patterns of communication scientists (Speech acts) Level of analysis: Tweet Values: - Actor-centered patterns (discussing, activating, socializing), - Content-centered patterns (reporting, commenting), - Other language patterns Scale of measurement: Nominal Reliability: Gwet’s AC1: 0,54 – 0,95; Holsti: 0,75 – 1,00 Variable name/definition: References of the communication scientists on Twitter Level of analysis: Tweet Values: - Self-reference, - Reference to specific actor, - Reference to other unspecific actor, - No reference to actors Scale of measurement: Nominal Reliability: Gwet’s AC1: 0,83 – 0,87; Holsti: 0,88 – 0,93 Variable name/definition: Type of actor (followers of the investigated scientists) Level of analysis: Self description in profile Values: Person, Organization Scale of measurement: Nominal Reliability: Gwet’s AC1: 0,89; Holsti: 0,91; Kappa: 0,84; Krippendorffs’ Alpha: 0,84 Variable name/definition: Social sphere of action of the followers Level of analysis: Self description in profile Values: - Science (communication science, other sciences, science in general) - Politics (party, state/administration, activists & lobbyists) - Media (media & journalism, news & comments) - Economy (communication industry, other economic sectors) - Arts & Entertainment - Health - Other (Other areas of activity, personal interests) Scale of measurement: Nominal Reliability: Gwet’s AC1: 0,81 – 0,87; Holsti: 0,82 – 0,88; Kappa: 0,83 – 0,85; Krippendorffs’ Alpha: 0,83 – 0,85 Codebook: in the appendix (in German) Information on Walter, Lörcher & Brüggemann, 2019 Authors: Stefanie Walter, Ines Lörcher & Michael Brüggemann Research question: How do scientists interact with politicians and civil society on Twitter? Object of analysis: Climate-related English-language Tweets posted by scientists from the United States (to classify the Twitter users, an automated content analysis, a dictionary approach, was applied; Krippendorffs’ Alpha: 0,74) Timeframe of analysis: Data collection took place from October 1, 2017 to March 31, 2018 Variable name/definition: Mode and content of communication Level of analysis: Tweet Values: Negative emotion, Certainty Scale of measurement: Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) program for computerized text analysis Reliability: – Codebook: in the appendix (R-Script) Information on Hara et al., 2019 Authors: Noriko Hara, Jessica Abbazio & Kathryn Perkins Research questions: What kind of demographic characteristics do the scientists participating in “Science” subreddit AMAs have? [survey] What was the experience like to host an AMA in the “Science” subreddit? [survey] What type of discussions did “Science” subreddit AMA participants engage in? Do questions receive answers? What are posters’ intentions? What kind of content features appear? Who is posting comments? What kind of responses do posts receive? Object of analysis: Six Ask Me Anything (AMA) sessions on Reddit’s “Science” subreddit (r/science) Timeframe of analysis: – Info about variable Variable name/definition: Poster’s intentions (PI); Answer status (AS); Comment status (CS); Poster’s identity (PID); Content features (CF) Level of analysis: Post Values: - PI: Seeking information, Seeking discussion, Non-questions/comments, Further discussion/interaction among users, Answering a question - AS: Answered, Not answered - CS: Commented on, Not commented on - PID: Host, Participant – flair, Participant – no flair - CF: Providing factual information, Providing opinions, Providing resources, Providing personal experience, Providing guidance on forum governance, Making an inquiry – initial question, Making an inquiry – embedded question, Requesting resources, Off-topic comment Scale of measurement: Nominal Reliability: Intercoder reliability ranged between 0.66 and 1.0 calculated by Cohen’s Kappa Codebook: in the appendix (in English) References Albæk, E., Christiansen, P. M., & Togeby, L. (2003). Experts in the mass media: Researchers as sources in Danish daily newspapers, 1961–2001. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 80(4), 937–948. Ellison, N. B., & Boyd, D. M. (2013). Sociality through social network sites. In W. H. Dutton, N. B. Ellison, & D. M. Boyd (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Internet Studies (pp. 151–172). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Fähnrich, B., & Lüthje, C. (2017). Roles of Social Scientists in Crisis Media Reporting: The Case of the German Populist Radical Right Movement PEGIDA. Science Communication, 39(4), 415–442. Hara, N., Abbazio, J., & Perkins, K. (2019). An emerging form of public engagement with science: Ask Me Anything (AMA) sessions on Reddit r/science. PloS One, 14(5), e0216789. Jahng, M. R., & Lee, N. (2018). When scientists tweet for social changes: Dialogic communication and collective mobilization strategies by flint water study scientists on Twitter. Science Communication, 40(1), 89–108. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547017751948 Jünger, J., & Fähnrich, B. (2019). Does really no one care?: Analyzing the public engagement of communication scientists on Twitter. New Media & Society, 7(2), 146144481986341. Klemm, M. (2000). Zuschauerkommunikation: Formen und Funktionen der alltäglichen kommunikativen Fernsehaneignung [Audience Communication: Forms and Functions of Everyday Communicative Appropriation of Television]. Frankfurt am Main: Lang. Kouper, I. (2010). Science blogs and public engagement with science: Practices, challenges, and opportunities. Journal of Science Communication, 09(01). Mahrt, M., & Puschmann, C. (2014). Science blogging: An exploratory study of motives, styles, and audience reactions. Journal of Science Communication, 13(03). Searle, J. R. (1990). Sprechakte: Ein sprachphilosophischer Essay [Speech Acts: An Essay on the Philosophy of Language]. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Walter, S., Lörcher, I., & Brüggemann, M. (2019). Scientific networks on Twitter: Analyzing scientists’ interactions in the climate change debate. Public Understanding of Science, 28(6), 696–712.

Abstract:

The variable incivility is an indicator used to describe violations of communication norms. These norms can be social norms established within a society, a culture or parts of a society (e.g. a social class, milieu or group) or democratic norms established within a democratic society. In this sense incivility is associated with behaviors that threaten a collective face or a democratic society, deny people their personal freedoms, and stereotype individuals or social groups. Furthermore, some scholars include impoliteness into the concept of incivility and argue that the two concepts have no clear boundaries (e.g. Seely, 2017). They therefore describe incivility as aggressive, offensive or derogatory communication expressed directly or indirectly to other individuals or parties. In many studies a message is classified as uncivil if the message contains at least one instance of incivility (e.g. one violent threat). The direction of an uncivil statement is coded as ‘interpersonal’/‘personal’ or ‘other-oriented’/‘impersonal’ or sometimes also as ‘neutral’, meaning it is not directed at any group or individual. Field of application/theoretical foundation: One unifying element to communication that is labelled as incivility is that it has to be a violation of an existing norm. Which norms are seen as violated depends on the theoretical tradition. Incivility research is related to theories on social norms of communication and conversation: conversational-maxims (Grice, 1975), face-saving concepts (Brown & Levinson, 1987; Goffman, 1989) or conversational-contract theories (Fraser, 1990). Further, incivility research has ties to theories that view public communication as part of democratic opinion formation and decision-making processes, e.g. theories on deliberative democracy and deliberation (Dryzek, 2000; Gutmann & Thompson, 1996; Habermas, 1994). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Incivility is examined through content analysis and sometimes combined with comparative designs (e.g., Rowe, 2015) or experimental designs (Muddiman, 2017; Oz, Zheng, & Chen, 2017). In addition, content analyses can be accompanied by interviews or surveys, for example to validate the results of the content analysis (Erjavec & Kova?i?, 2012). Example studies: Research question/research interest: Previous studies have been interested in the extent, levels and direction of incivility in online communication (e.g. in one specific online discussion, in discussions on a specific topic, in discussions on a specific platform or on different platforms comparatively). Object of analysis: Previous studies have investigated incivility in user comments on political newsgroups, news websites, social media platforms (e.g. Twitter, Facebook), political blogs, science blogs or online consultation platforms. Timeframe of analysis: Many studies investigate incivility in user comments focusing on periods between 2 months and 1 year. It is common to use constructed weeks. Level of analysis: Most manual content analyses measure incivility on the level of a message, for example on the level of user comments. On a higher level of analysis, the level of incivility for a whole discussion thread or online platform can be measured or estimated. On a lower level of analysis incivility can be measured on the level of utterances, sentences or words which are the preferred levels of analysis in automated content analyses. Table 1. Previous manual content analysis studies and measures of incivility Example study Construct Dimensions/Variables Explanation/example Reliability Papacharissi (2004) incivility (separate from impoliteness) threat to democracy e.g. propose to overthrow a democratic government by force Ir = .89 stereotype e.g. association of a person with a group by using labels, whether those are mild – “liberal”, or more offensive – “fa*ggot”)? Ir = .91 threat to other individuals’ rights e.g. personal freedom, freedom to speak Ir = .86 incivility Ir = .89 Coe, Kenski, and Rains (2014) incivility (impoliteness is included) name-calling mean-spirited or disparaging words directed at a person or group of people K-? = .67 aspersion mean-spirited or disparaging words directed at an idea, plan, policy, or behavior K-? = .61 reference to lying stating or implying that an idea, plan, or policy was disingenuous K-? = .73 vulgarity using profanity or language that would not be considered proper (e.g., “pissed”, “screw”) in professional discourse K-? = .91 pejorative for speech disparaging remark about the way in which a person communicates K-? = .74 incivility / impoliteness K-? = .73 Rowe (2015) incivility (separate from impoliteness) threat to democracy proposes to overthrow the government (e.g. proposes a revolution) or advocates an armed struggle in opposition to the government (e.g. threatens the use of violence against the government) ? = .66 threat to individual rights advocates restricting the rights or freedoms of certain members of society or certain individuals ? = .86 stereotype asserts a widely held but fixed and oversimplified image or idea of a particular type of person ? = .80 incivility ? = .77 Seely (2017) incivility(impoliteness is included) insulting language name calling and other derogatory remarks often seen in pejorative speech and aspersions K-? = .84 vulgarity e.g. “lazy f**kers”, “a**holes” K-? = 1 stereotyping of political party/ideology e.g. “typical lying lefties” K-? = .88 stereotyping using “isms”/discriminatory language e.g. “if we don’t get rid of idiotic Muslim theologies, we will have growing problems” K-? = 1 other stereotyping language e.g. “GENERALS LIKE TO HAVE A MALE SOLDIER ON THEIR LAP AT ALL TIMES.” K-? = .78 sarcasm e.g. “betrayed again by the Repub leadership . . . what a shock” K-? = .79 accusations of lying e.g. “typical lying lefties” K-? = .80 shouting excessive capitalization and/or exclamation points K-? = .83 incivility / impoliteness K-? = .81 Note: Previous studies used different inter-coder reliability statistics; Ir = reliability index by Perreault and Leigh (1989); K-? = Krippendorff’s-?; ? = Cohen’s Kappa Codebook used in the study Rowe (2015) is available under: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369118X.2014.940365 References Brown, P., & Levinson, S. C. (1987). Politeness: Some universals in language usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Coe, K., Kenski, K., & Rains, S. A. (2014). Online and Uncivil? Patterns and Determinants of Incivility in Newspaper Website Comments. Journal of Communication, 64(4), 658–679. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.12104 Dryzek, J. S. (2000). Deliberative democracy and beyond: Liberals, Critics, Contestations. Oxford political theory. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. Erjavec, K., & Kova?i?, M. P. (2012). “You Don't Understand, This is a New War! ” Analysis of Hate Speech in News Web Sites' Comments. Mass Communication and Society, 15(6), 899–920. https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2011.619679 Fraser, B. (1990). Perspectives on politeness. Journal of Pragmatics, 14(2), 219–236. https://doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(90)90081-n Goffman, E. (1989). Interaction ritual: Essays on face-to-face behavior. New York: Pantheon Books. Grice, P. H. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole (Ed.), Syntax and Semantics: Speech acts (pp. 41–58). New York: Academic Press. Gutmann, A., & Thompson, D. F. (1996). Democracy and disagreement. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Habermas, J. (1994). Three Normative Models of Democracy. Constellations, 1(1), 1–10. Muddiman, A. (2017). : Personal and public levels of political incivility. International Journal of Communication, 11, 3182–3202. Oz, M., Zheng, P., & Chen, G. M. (2017). Twitter versus Facebook: Comparing incivility, impoliteness, and deliberative attributes. New Media & Society, 20(9), 3400–3419. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444817749516 Papacharissi, Z. (2004). Democracy online: Civility, politeness, and the democratic potential of online political discussion groups. New Media & Society, 6(2), 259–283. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444804041444 Rowe, I. (2015). Civility 2.0: A comparative analysis of incivility in online political discussion. Information, Communication & Society, 18(2), 121–138. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2014.940365 Seely, N. (2017). Virtual Vitriol: A Comparative Analysis of Incivility Within Political News Discussion Forums. Electronic News, 12(1), 42–61. https://doi.org/10.1177/1931243117739060

Abstract:

Introduction Animals have a significant presence in human lives, with many human interactions involving animals. This role of animals in social life, however, has largely been ignored and marginalised. In the words of Tovey (197), “to read most sociological texts, one might never know that society is populated by non-human as well as human animals”. Human-animal relations are evident in everyday human uses of animals as companions, pets, meat sources, and entertainment. This list is by no means exhaustive, but it does demonstrate how humans create and perpetuate systems of human/animal difference which are, at times, contradictory and ambivalent. There are no consistencies in how humans view and understand animal bodies. These differences matter, as they have serious consequences for how humans view and treat animals. It also has dire consequences for animals. While humans and animals are different species, we still live together, co-evolve, and create shared histories. We are, in the words of Haraway, companion species. This exposes that animals are not just nature, but culture. It is often forgotten that one of the everyday uses of animals is as testing and experimental models in medical and scientific research. Hidden away in laboratories, these animals remain invisible, only to be discovered when the histories of innovations and breakthroughs are unravelled. Animals are veiled behind dissection, vaccinations, pharmaceuticals, insulin injections, deep brain stimulation, and so on. Of interest in this paper is one potential medico-scientific innovation that cannot disguise the animal body as it is central for the success of the technology, xenotransplantation (XTP; animal-to-human transplantation). This refers to “any procedure that involves transplantation, implantation or infusion into a human recipient of cells, tissues or organs from a nonhuman animal source” (Xenotransplantation Working Party 22, original emphasis). While many animals have been used historically in XTP, the choice animal source is currently pigs. In order for xenotransplants to perform the required functions in a human body, the fragments of the pig’s body must remain living. This fuses the living pig part and living human body intimately, where the embodiment and functionality of each relies on the other. Such practices theoretically break down the traditional dualisms between humans/pigs and self/other. However, XTP raises a number of scientific, ethical, and social hurdles that must be addressed. As Bijker, Hughes and Pinch indicate, technical innovations are not simply scientific endeavours but sociocultural issues where usage, design, and content can be contentious. In the case of XTP this relates to, amongst other issues, the explicit physical breakdown of the human/pig divide, yet boundary work still occurs in an attempt to symbolically maintain the divisions between self/other. Drawing on the work of various cultural theorists, this paper presents a sociocultural approach to examine how XTP and the associated manufacturing of pigs, demonstrates the fluidity of science and culture. This is achieved by incorporating theoretical frameworks inspired by Durkheimian thought, such as the sacred and profane, and Douglas’ use of pollution and dirt. This analysis reveals how classificatory systems of culture, such as the sanctity of the body and its boundaries, are powerful obstacles to the cultural acceptance of XTP. The Sacred Body In the work of Durkheim and his Année Sociologique colleagues, the sacred and the profane are distinct classifications attached to material objects. These binary constructs are the basis for religious life, as argued in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. The Durkheimian tradition also argues that these building blocks of religion are apparent in secular cultural life. The world (the profane) drives people to engage with the sacred or those places, objects, and people that are collectively valued with high esteem. In contrast, the profane is marginalised. The narratives/myths which underpin the sacred provide a type of collective fervour that stands in opposition to the mundane flows of the everyday. Through this process, high or low social value is attributed. Durkheim later considered that this duality also existed within the human. Individuals experience a double-being, where the mind (soul) and the body are, repeating Cartesianism, radically different, opposed, and independent substances. The soul holds sacred qualities “that has always been denied the body” (Durkheim, The Dualism of Human Nature and its Social Conditions, 150-1), which renders the body profane and the soul divine. In the contemporary West, however, there has been a significant shift away from the soul and towards the body. Turner argues that we have become a “somatic society”, where increasingly this once profane site has become a cultural obsession. The body has become a site of performance and consumption, where the self is realised and practiced. This has lead to intense rituals, such as disciplining the body through fitness training (Sassatelli) to personal grooming practices (Goffman), that seek to separate the body from polluting or profane influences. The body is no longer approached as sinful and demeaning to the soul. It has become culturally conceived as collectively sacred. At the same time, certain attributes of the body can and do signify disgust or profane qualities. As Kendall and Michael have argued, the body is a site of order and disorder. While our best efforts are implemented to ensure that the body’s biological, social, and cultural features remain ordered, the natural processes of excretion, decay, disease, and other undesirable disorders, consistently impinge on and challenge the sacred body. Significant effort ensures, as Goffman argues, that these undesirable attributes are hidden or removed from public view through secular rituals of purification. We can relate this to the prominent use in the West of anti-ageing products to the compulsion to institutionalise the ill, diseased, and elderly. Douglas follows this Durkheimian inspired tradition, utilising concepts such as purity, pollution, and danger. These are theoretically similar to the sacred/profane distinction, which we believe lends significant insight into the dialectic of human/animal bodies in XTP. To illustrate this further, we will briefly touch upon her contribution to cultural theory that serves as the basis for our arguments here. Purity, Danger and XTP: Being ‘Out of Order’ In her significant work, Purity and Danger, Douglas exposes the deeply embedded systems of classification that underpin social life. To exemplify this, she examines ‘dirt’ and questions why we feel it necessary to clean. Her answer is that dirt reflects a “systematic ordering and classification of matter”, that is “matter out of place” (35). In other words, our social lives are ordered according to those ‘matters’ classified as belonging or coherent in the flows of everyday life. Dirt transcends this ‘ordering’ and creates disorder. This then requires action on behalf of the individual to ‘reorder’ their surrounds through purification rituals. Douglas is able then to extract this theoretical point into various examples, such as the cultural classifications and uses of pigs. Culture categorises animals in relation to how they are to be consumed or enjoyed, as already stated. A range of relatively recent sociological projects, such as Zerubavel’s cognitive sociology program, are revealing how the animal world is culturally determined. For instance, Zerubavel demonstrates that repulsion towards certain foods, especially animal, may cause physical distress to the individual. This is not linked to our gastronomies, but sociocultural perceptions embedded in our individual minds (cf. Bourdieu’s ‘habitus’). This is also demonstrated by how classificatory systems deny the human consumption of certain animals. For instance, the taboo on consuming pork for Israelites rests for Douglas on the inability for the pig to be classified as a normal farm animal because it has cloven hooves and does not chew cud. Through this cultural perception, the pig is defined as pollution, impinging on the sanctity of the soul and sitting uncomfortably in collective thought. It resides on the margins and threatens our social order. In other words, what is safe and what is dangerous are differentiated culturally. What a pig represents in one culture can differ dramatically from the next. In the world of XTP, similar impressions remain embedded in the cognitive processes of individuals, thus creating conflict between cultural norms and values, and that of science (cf. Alexander and Smith). A further important point needs to be considered before discussing XTP explicitly. As suggested earlier, Douglas argues that some of the most dangerous cultural artefacts/objects to our sense of order are those which impinge on the pure through their unclassifiable nature. However, partial objects from these polluted things can also cause distress. Contemporary examples are bodily fluids, excretions, and other naturally occurring by-products of the body. These are generally held as disgusting within cultural contexts once removed from the body. Douglas explains this through their symbolic connection to a ‘human’ identity. She writes that these mundane objects remain “dangerous; their half identity still clings to them and the clarity of the scene in which they obtrude is impaired by their presence” (160). Fluids, such as mucus, when found in the home or other ‘ordered’ situations are considered most disgusting not because of the substance itself, but because it remains connected to the embodiment and identity of the other. Until that substance is cleansed from view, or reordered, it impinges on order in the most dangerous ways because of its ‘half identity’. It is still connected to its host. From this perspective, we can begin to envisage why the consumption of animals is closely governed by specific classificatory systems. The presentation of whole animals cooked, with head and limbs attached, may invoke disgust through the inability to completely remove the animal’s identity. Whole ducks, fish, or pigs presented at the dinner table, with their eyes gazing at the diners, can cause significant distress. The identity of the animal is reaffirmed and a reaction of disgust can occur. The reappropriation of animals as cuts of meat and meat-based products, can strip away the identity of the animal by dividing it into parts. This reordering makes it appropriate and pure for human consumption. By carving the body of an animal into pieces, it becomes a product that is removed from the living being. This is extended through ‘meat discourses’; the pig becomes pork, ham and bacon, and an anaemic calf becomes veal. It is meat; just another object in the cultural universe. In viewing XTP as a cultural artefact, these significantly stringent classifications of the pure and polluting remain deeply embedded and potent. Pig organs such as the heart remain, despite any cleansing processes undertaken by science and unlike the reappropriation of animals for consumption, linked to the pig’s embodiment. The removal of this body part does not remove it from the pig’s identity. It remains connected, clinging to its ‘half identity’. Furthermore, unlike the meat industry or various other medico-scientific uses of animals, it is vital that the pig’s body parts remain living. Xenotransplants would not function without, for example, the pig’s heart continuing to beat, pumping blood around the new human body it inhabits. This creates cultural barriers that go beyond the ordered animal products that currently exist, which serves to threaten the acceptance and successful appropriation of XTP amongst society. There is then a culturally perceived taboo on combining the self and other in XTP. Pig bodies must somehow be ‘cleansed’ by science, although, as we alluded to previously, this is not necessarily successful. These rituals of purification by science are undertaken for scientific and cultural reasons. For example, Cook outlines that scientists working in XTP go to great lengths to justify why the polluting other, the pig, can and should be used as the source animal. This involves a complex narration on the differences and similarities between humans and animals. Significantly, XTP relies on and perpetuates the differential cultural worth that is placed on human life (high value) and animal life (low value), in order to justify XTP procedures. However, pig parts need to become worthy of being harvested for human bodies, meaning that pigs must be elevated from their lowly status to that worthy of being human. This leads science to engage in, according to Cook, a complex interweaving of desirable-similarity, desirable-dissimilarity, undesirable-similarity, and undesirable-dissimilarity, to establish continuities and disparities between pig and human bodies. This functions not only for the purposes of science, but to culturally justify the practices and artefacts of XTP. While XTP involves intimately mixing humans and pigs, these “science stories” (Cook) additionally work to maintain species divides. Simultaneously, these processes operate to justify that it is appropriate for humans to embody pigs. Hence, science attempts to mould the social into desirable ways of thinking about XTP, thus supporting it and the science behind it. This includes the experimental and therapeutic sacrifice of pigs. At the same time, science cannot avoid that the practice and delivery of XTP involves the culturally pure/sacred human body coming into conflict with the polluted/dangerous ‘other’, pig part/s. The genetic engineering of pigs to express select human complementary regulatory proteins, which inhibit self-damage when the immune system reacts to the presence of a foreign body such as a transplanted organ, somewhat disintegrates the human/animal divide within the pig body itself. It is becoming human. However, science still faces a significant hurdle. Namely, “How can we physically mix (natural-technical discourse) if we’re so different (social-moral discourse)?” (Brown 333). Pig parts in human bodies, and pigs genetically engineered to be more ‘human like’, still involve pig parts being out of place and therefore disgusting. Despite the rituals employed by science to draw similarities between humans and pigs (and genetically engineered pigs), there remain cultural classification systems that compromise the normalisation of XTP. Hence, crossing the species divide in XTP is scientifically unproblematic (though getting XTP to work is another matter), but the fusing of human and pig bodies may still be culturally dangerous. In other words, cultural classifications may render pigs as incompatible with humans, despite any social constructions attempted by science. The body expresses these social values. In XTP, porcine genetics cannot be physically separated from their social and genetic being. Incorporating this with the human can cause disgust, even amongst those who have received xenotransplants: “I wonder how much from an animal can be introduced into my body before my humanity vanishes” (porcine cellular xenotransplant recipient qtd. in Lundin 150). While science may reduce the body to mechanistic functioning and seek to objectify it, the body, be it human or pig, possesses material-semiotic importance. The heart is not simply a pump; it is symbolically powerful. A xenotransplanted pig heart challenges the sanctity of the human body and how the human body and its parts are culturally constructed. However, the potentiality of XTP to save a life may trump any individual concerns, even if an individual may reject it culturally (Lundin). There still remains another dilemma that cannot be subsumed by such negotiations—the potentiality of cross-species viral infections (zoonosis) that could result from the embodied fusion of living pig parts and living human bodies. While a detailed examination of this is beyond the scope of this paper, it is worth noting that the social fears of zoonosis, such as avian influenza (bird flu) and swine influenza, have resulted in increased international collaborative efforts to study and halt the global spread of contagion. While there are a number of differences between these zoonotic infections and any unforeseen zoonotic consequences of XTP, what is of significance is the boundary pollution. That is, all forms of animal-to-human zoonosis involve a violation of the sacred human body by the dirty and profane other. For example, the recent outbreaks of swine influenza involved disparate species coming into contact with each other through disgusting body products, namely contaminated droplets emitted by infected individuals sneezing or coughing. The physical bodies of humans and animals, however, still remain differentiated even if zoonosis symbolically challenges such classifications. XTP, on the other hand, is an intimate physical and symbolic fusion of these bodies. The human and the animal can no longer be separated as independent beings. Thus, the potential of pollution from XTP moves beyond the fear of the symbolically disgusting pig body and the symbolism of particular body parts, to include what the pig parts may actually physically carry with them. As a result, the cultural dangers of transplanted pig parts and their potential violations are not just symbolic, but also materially ‘real’. Conclusion By categorising animals as a lower species, humans enable their exploitation and use in a multitude of ways. This process of cultural classification in the contemporary West means that we attribute a sacred, high value to human bodies, and a low, profane quality to animal bodies. While the scientific intermingling of human and pig bodies in XTP could be seen to present a cultural challenge to these species dualisms, it does not overcome such cultural classifications. That is, the interests and social constructions of pigs by science cannot overpower or suppress the sociocultural. The removal of pig parts from the pig’s body does not eliminate its ‘half identity’. It is still a living product from an animal’s body. Unlike other pig products, life cannot be removed from the pig parts for XTP, as this is the vital function required for xenotransplants to (potentially) work. A heart needs to beat. Any purification rituals undertaken by science, such as using pigs genetically engineered with human proteins, cannot overcome this cultural construction. While it may be argued that XTP will become culturally acceptable with time, this disrespects how social knowledges are as equally important as the scientific. This further disavows that cultural concerns over mixing pig and human bodies are as viable as scientific constructions. This is perhaps most potently highlighted by zoonosis. Thus, the pigs used in XTP have cultural-technical bodies that are materially and symbolically significant, which science cannot purge. References Alexander, J. C. and P. Smith. “Social Science and Salvation: Risk Society as Mythical Discourse.” Zeitschrift für Soziologie 25 (1996): 251-262. Bijker, W.E., T.P. Hughes and T. Pinch. Eds. The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989. Bourdieu, P. Distinction: a Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, London: Routledge, 1986. Brown, N. “Xenotransplantation: Normalizing Disgust”. Science as Culture 8 (1999): 327-55. Cook, P.S. “Science Stories: Selecting the Source Animal for Xenotransplantation.” Social Change in the 21st Century 2006 Conference Proceedings. Eds. C. Hopkinson and C. Hall. Centre for Social Change Research, School of Humanities and Human Services, Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, 2006. 6 Aug. 2010. Douglas, M. Purity and Danger, London: Routledge and Keegan Paul, 1976[1966]. Durkheim, E. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, New York: The Free Press, 1995[1912]. Durkheim, E. “The Dualism of Human Nature and its Social Conditions.” Emile Durkheim on Morality and Society: Selected Works. Ed. R. Bellah. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973[1914]. Goffman, E. The Presentation of the Self in Everyday Life. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971. Haraway, D. J. The Companion Species Manifesto: Dogs, People, and Significant Otherness. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press, 2003. Kendall, G. and M. Michael “Order and Disorder: Time, Technology and the Self.” Culture Machine, Interzone, Nov. 2001. 6 Aug. 2010 .Lundin, S. “Understanding Cultural Perspectives on Clinical Xenotransplantation.” Graft 4.2 (1999): 150-153. Sassatelli, R. “The Commercialization of DIscipline: Keep-fit Culture and its Values.” Journal of Modern Italian Studies 5.3 (2000): 396-411. Tovey, H. “Theorising Nature and Society in Sociology: The Invisibility of Animals.” Sociologia Ruralis 43.3 (2003): 196-215. Turner, B.S. The body and society: explorations in social theory. Second Ed. London: Sage, 1996. Xenotransplantation Working Party. Animal-to-Human Transplantation Research: How Should Australian Proceed? Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia, 2003. Zerubavel, E. Social Mindscapes: An Invitation to Cognitive Sociology. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997.

Abstract:

Introduction Ireland did not have a tradition of printed cookbooks prior to the 20th century. As a consequence, Irish culinary manuscripts from before this period are an important primary source for historians. This paper makes the case that the manuscripts are a unique way of accessing voices that have quotidian concerns seldom heard above the dominant narratives of conquest, colonisation and famine (Higgins; Dawson). Three manuscripts are examined to see how they contribute to an understanding of Irish social and culinary history. The Irish banking crisis of 2008 is a reminder that comments such as the one in the title of this paper may be more then a casual remark, indicating rather an underlying anxiety. Equally important is the evidence in the manuscripts that Ireland had a domestic culinary tradition sited within the culinary traditions of the British Isles. The terms “vernacular”, representing localised needs and traditions, and “polite”, representing stylistic features incorporated for aesthetic reasons, are more usually applied in the architectural world. As terms, they reflect in a politically neutral way the culinary divide witnessed in the manuscripts under discussion here. Two of the three manuscripts are anonymous, but all are written from the perspective of a well-provisioned house. The class background is elite and as such these manuscripts are not representative of the vernacular, which in culinary terms is likely to be a tradition recorded orally (Gold). The first manuscript (NLI, Tervoe) and second manuscript (NLI, Limerick) show the levels of impact of French culinary influence through their recipes for “cullis”. The Limerick manuscript also opens the discussion to wider social concerns. The third manuscript (NLI, Baker) is unusual in that the author, Mrs. Baker, goes to great lengths to record the provenance of the recipes and as such the collection affords a glimpse into the private “polite” world of the landed gentry in Ireland with its multiplicity of familial and societal connections. Cookbooks and Cuisine in Ireland in the 19th Century During the course of the 18th century, there were 136 new cookery book titles and 287 reprints published in Britain (Lehmann, Housewife 383). From the start of the 18th to the end of the 19th century only three cookbooks of Irish, or Anglo-Irish, authorship have been identified. The Lady’s Companion: or Accomplish’d Director In the whole Art of Cookery was published in 1767 by John Mitchell in Skinner-Row, under the pseudonym “Ceres,” while the Countess of Caledon’s Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery: Collected for Distribution Amongst the Irish Peasantry was printed in Armagh by J. M. Watters for private circulation in 1847. The modern sounding Dinners at Home, published in London in 1878 under the pseudonym “Short”, appears to be of Irish authorship, a review in The Irish Times describing it as being written by a “Dublin lady”, the inference being that she was known to the reviewer (Farmer). English Copyright Law was extended to Ireland in July 1801 after the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in 1800 (Ferguson). Prior to this, many titles were pirated in Ireland, a cause of confusion alluded to by Lehmann when she comments regarding the Ceres book that it “does not appear to be simply a Dublin-printed edition of an English book” (Housewife 403). This attribution is based on the dedication in the preface: “To The Ladies of Dublin.” From her statement that she had a “great deal of experience in business of this kind”, one may conclude that Ceres had worked as a housekeeper or cook. Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery was the second of two books by Catherine Alexander, Countess of Caledon. While many commentators were offering advice to Irish people on how to alleviate their poverty, in Friendly Advice to Irish Mothers on Training their Children, Alexander was unusual in addressing her book specifically to its intended audience (Bourke). In this cookbook, the tone is of a practical didactic nature, the philosophy that of enablement. Given the paucity of printed material, manuscripts provide the main primary source regarding the existence of an indigenous culinary tradition. Attitudes regarding this tradition lie along the spectrum exemplified by the comments of an Irish journalist, Kevin Myers, and an eminent Irish historian, Louis Cullen. Myers describes Irish cuisine as a “travesty” and claims that the cuisine of “Old Ireland, in texture and in flavour, generally resembles the cinders after the suttee of a very large, but not very tasty widow”, Cullen makes the case that Irish cuisine is “one of the most interesting culinary traditions in Europe” (141). It is not proposed to investigate the ideological standpoints behind the various comments on Irish food. Indeed, the use of the term “Irish” in this context is fraught with difficulty and it should be noted that in the three manuscripts proposed here, the cuisine is that of the gentry class and representative of a particular stratum of society more accurately described as belonging to the Anglo-Irish tradition. It is also questionable how the authors of the three manuscripts discussed would have described themselves in terms of nationality. The anxiety surrounding this issue of identity is abating as scholarship has moved from viewing the cultural artifacts and buildings inherited from this class, not as symbols of an alien heritage, but rather as part of the narrative of a complex country (Rees). The antagonistic attitude towards this heritage could be seen as reaching its apogee in the late 1950s when the then Government minister, Kevin Boland, greeted the decision to demolish a row of Georgian houses in Dublin with jubilation, saying that they stood for everything that he despised, and describing the Georgian Society, who had campaigned for their preservation, as “the preserve of the idle rich and belted earls” (Foster 160). Mac Con Iomaire notes that there has been no comprehensive study of the history of Irish food, and the implications this has for opinions held, drawing attention to the lack of recognition that a “parallel Anglo-Irish cuisine existed among the Protestant elite” (43). To this must be added the observation that Myrtle Allen, the doyenne of the Irish culinary world, made when she observed that while we have an Irish identity in food, “we belong to a geographical and culinary group with Wales, England, and Scotland as all counties share their traditions with their next door neighbour” (1983). Three Irish Culinary Manuscripts The three manuscripts discussed here are held in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The manuscript known as Tervoe has 402 folio pages with a 22-page index. The National Library purchased the manuscript at auction in December 2011. Although unattributed, it is believed to come from Tervoe House in County Limerick (O’Daly). Built in 1776 by Colonel W.T. Monsell (b.1754), the Monsell family lived there until 1951 (see, Fig. 1). The house was demolished in 1953 (Bence-Jones). William Monsell, 1st Lord Emly (1812–94) could be described as the most distinguished of the family. Raised in an atmosphere of devotion to the Union (with Great Britain), loyalty to the Church of Ireland, and adherence to the Tory Party, he converted in 1850 to the Roman Catholic religion, under the influence of Cardinal Newman and the Oxford Movement, changing his political allegiance from Tory to Whig. It is believed that this change took place as a result of the events surrounding the Great Irish Famine of 1845–50 (Potter). The Tervoe manuscript is catalogued as 18th century, and as the house was built in the last quarter of the century, it would be reasonable to surmise that its conception coincided with that period. It is a handsome volume with original green vellum binding, which has been conserved. Fig. 1. Tervoe House, home of the Monsell family. In terms of culinary prowess, the scope of the Tervoe manuscript is extensive. For the purpose of this discussion, one recipe is of particular interest. The recipe, To make a Cullis for Flesh Soups, instructs the reader to take the fat off four pounds of the best beef, roast the beef, pound it to a paste with crusts of bread and the carcasses of partridges or other fowl “that you have by you” (NLI, Tervoe). This mixture should then be moistened with best gravy, and strong broth, and seasoned with pepper, thyme, cloves, and lemon, then sieved for use with the soup. In 1747 Hannah Glasse published The Art of Cookery, Made Plain and Easy. The 1983 facsimile edition explains the term “cullis” as an Anglicisation of the French word coulis, “a preparation for thickening soups and stews” (182). The coulis was one of the essential components of the nouvelle cuisine of the 18th century. This movement sought to separate itself from “the conspicuous consumption of profusion” to one where the impression created was one of refinement and elegance (Lehmann, Housewife 210). Reactions in England to this French culinary innovation were strong, if not strident. Glasse derides French “tricks”, along with French cooks, and the coulis was singled out for particular opprobrium. In reality, Glasse bestrides both sides of the divide by giving the much-hated recipe and commenting on it. She provides another example of this in her recipe for The French Way of Dressing Partridges to which she adds the comment: “this dish I do not recommend; for I think it an odd jumble of thrash, by that time the Cullis, the Essence of Ham, and all other Ingredients are reckoned, the Partridges will come to a fine penny; but such Receipts as this, is what you have in most Books of Cookery yet printed” (53). When Daniel Defoe in The Complete English Tradesman of 1726 criticised French tradesmen for spending so much on the facades of their shops that they were unable to offer their customers a varied stock within, we can see the antipathy spilling over into other creative fields (Craske). As a critical strategy, it is not dissimilar to Glasse when she comments “now compute the expense, and see if this dish cannot be dressed full as well without this expense” at the end of a recipe for the supposedly despised Cullis for all Sorts of Ragoo (53). Food had become part of the defining image of Britain as an aggressively Protestant culture in opposition to Catholic France (Lehmann Politics 75). The author of the Tervoe manuscript makes no comment about the dish other than “A Cullis is a mixture of things, strained off.” This is in marked contrast to the second manuscript (NLI, Limerick). The author of this anonymous manuscript, from which the title of this paper is taken, is considerably perplexed by the term cullis, despite the manuscript dating 1811 (Fig. 2). Of Limerick provenance also, but considerably more modest in binding and scope, the manuscript was added to for twenty years, entries terminating around 1831. The recipe for Beef Stake (sic) Pie is an exact transcription of a recipe in John Simpson’s A Complete System of Cookery, published in 1806, and reads Cut some beef steaks thin, butter a pan (or as Lord Buckingham’s cook, from whom these rects are taken, calls it a soutis pan, ? [sic] (what does he mean, is it a saucepan) [sic] sprinkle the pan with pepper and salt, shallots thyme and parsley, put the beef steaks in and the pan on the fire for a few minutes then put them to cool, when quite cold put them in the fire, scrape all the herbs in over the fire and ornament as you please, it will take an hour and half, when done take the top off and put in some coulis (what is that?) [sic]. Fig. 2. Beef Stake Pie (NLI, Limerick). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. Simpson was cook to Lord Buckingham for at least a year in 1796, and may indeed have travelled to Ireland with the Duke who had several connections there. A feature of this manuscript are the number of Cholera remedies that it contains, including the “Rect for the cholera sent by Dr Shanfer from Warsaw to the Brussels Government”. Cholera had reached Germany by 1830, and England by 1831. By March 1832, it had struck Belfast and Dublin, the following month being noted in Cork, in the south of the country. Lasting a year, the epidemic claimed 50,000 lives in Ireland (Fenning). On 29 April 1832, the diarist Amhlaoibh Ó Súilleabháin notes, “we had a meeting today to keep the cholera from Callan. May God help us” (De Bhaldraithe 132). By 18 June, the cholera is “wrecking destruction in Ennis, Limerick and Tullamore” (135) and on 26 November, “Seed being sown. The end of the month wet and windy. The cholera came to Callan at the beginning of the month. Twenty people went down with it and it left the town then” (139). This situation was obviously of great concern and this is registered in the manuscript. Another concern is that highlighted by the recommendation that “this receipt is as good as the bank. It has been obligingly given to Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper at the Bank of Ireland” (NLI, Limerick). The Bank of Ireland commenced business at St. Mary’s Abbey in Dublin in June 1783, having been established under the protection of the Irish Parliament as a chartered rather then a central bank. As such, it supplied a currency of solidity. The charter establishing the bank, however, contained a prohibitory clause preventing (until 1824 when it was repealed) more then six persons forming themselves into a company to carry on the business of banking. This led to the formation, especially outside Dublin, of many “small private banks whose failure was the cause of immense wretchedness to all classes of the population” (Gilbert 19). The collapse that caused the most distress was that of the Ffrench bank in 1814, founded eleven years previously by the family of Lord Ffrench, one of the leading Catholic peers, based in Connacht in the west of Ireland. The bank issued notes in exchange for Bank of Ireland notes. Loans from Irish banks were in the form of paper money which were essentially printed promises to pay the amount stated and these notes were used in ordinary transactions. So great was the confidence in the Ffrench bank that their notes were held by the public in preference to Bank of Ireland notes, most particularly in Connacht. On 27 June 1814, there was a run on the bank leading to collapse. The devastation spread through society, from business through tenant farmers to the great estates, and notably so in Galway. Lord Ffrench shot himself in despair (Tennison). Williams and Finn, founded in Kilkenny in 1805, entered bankruptcy proceedings in 1816, and the last private bank outside Dublin, Delacours in Mallow, failed in 1835 (Barrow). The issue of bank failure is commented on by writers of the period, notably so in Dickens, Thackery, and Gaskill, and Edgeworth in Ireland. Following on the Ffrench collapse, notes from the Bank of Ireland were accorded increased respect, reflected in the comment in this recipe. The receipt in question is one for making White Currant Wine, with the unusual addition of a slice of bacon suspended from the bunghole when the wine is turned, for the purpose of enriching it. The recipe was provided to “Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper of the bank” (NLI, Limerick). In 1812, a John Hawkesworth, agent to Lord CastleCoote, was living at Forest Lodge, Mountrath, County Laois (Ennis Chronicle). The Coote family, although settling in County Laois in the seventeenth century, had strong connections with Limerick through a descendent of the younger brother of the first Earl of Mountrath (Landed Estates). The last manuscript for discussion is the manuscript book of Mrs Abraham Whyte Baker of Ballytobin House, County Kilkenny, 1810 (NLI, Baker). Ballytobin, or more correctly Ballaghtobin, is a townland in the barony of Kells, four miles from the previously mentioned Callan. The land was confiscated from the Tobin family during the Cromwellian campaign in Ireland of 1649–52, and was reputedly purchased by a Captain Baker, to establish what became the estate of Ballaghtobin (Fig. 3) To this day, it is a functioning estate, remaining in the family, twice passing down through the female line. In its heyday, there were two acres of walled gardens from which the house would have drawn for its own provisions (Ballaghtobin). Fig. 3. Ballaghtobin 2013. At the time of writing the manuscript, Mrs. Sophia Baker was widowed and living at Ballaghtobin with her son and daughter-in-law, Charity who was “no beauty, but tall, slight” (Herbert 414). On the succession of her husband to the estate, Charity became mistress of Ballaghtobin, leaving Sophia with time on what were her obviously very capable hands (Nevin). Sophia Baker was the daughter of Sir John Blunden of Castle Blunden and Lucinda Cuffe, daughter of the first Baron Desart. Sophia was also first cousin of the diarist Dorothea Herbert, whose mother was Lucinda’s sister, Martha. Sophia Baker and Dorothea Herbert have left for posterity a record of life in the landed gentry class in rural Georgian Ireland, Dorothea describing Mrs. Baker as “full of life and spirits” (Herbert 70). Their close relationship allows the two manuscripts to converse with each other in a unique way. Mrs. Baker’s detailing of the provenance of her recipes goes beyond the norm, so that what she has left us is not just a remarkable work of culinary history but also a palimpsest of her family and social circle. Among the people she references are: “my grandmother”; Dorothea Beresford, half sister to the Earl of Tyrone, who lived in the nearby Curraghmore House; Lady Tyrone; and Aunt Howth, the sister of Dorothea Beresford, married to William St Lawrence, Lord Howth, and described by Johnathan Swift as “his blue eyed nymph” (195). Other attributions include Lady Anne Fitzgerald, wife of Maurice Fitzgerald, 16th knight of Kerry, Sir William Parsons, Major Labilen, and a Mrs. Beaufort (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Mrs. Beauforts Rect. (NLI, Baker). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. That this Mrs. Beaufort was the wife of Daniel Augustus Beaufort, mother of the hydrographer Sir Francis Beaufort, may be deduced from the succeeding recipe supplied by a Mrs. Waller. Mrs. Beaufort’s maiden name was Waller. Fanny Beaufort, the elder sister of Sir Francis, was Richard Edgeworth’s fourth wife and close friend and confidante of his daughter Maria, the novelist. There are also entries for “Miss Herbert” and “Aunt Herbert.” While the Baker manuscript is of interest for the fact that it intersects the worlds of the novelist Maria Edgeworth and the diarist Dorothea Herbert, and for the societal references that it documents, it is also a fine collection of recipes that date back to the mid-18th century. An example of this is a recipe for Sligo pickled salmon that Mrs. Baker, nee Blunden, refers to in an index that she gives to a second volume. Unfortunately this second volume is not known to be extant. This recipe features in a Blunden family manuscript of 1760 as referred to in Anelecta Hibernica (McLysaght). The recipe has also appeared in Cookery and Cures of Old Kilkenny (St. Canices’s 24). Unlike the Tervoe and Limerick manuscripts, Mrs. Baker is unconcerned with recipes for “cullis”. Conclusion The three manuscripts that have been examined here are from the period before the famine of 1845–50, known as An Gorta Mór, translated as “the big hunger”. The famine preceding this, Bliain an Áir (the year of carnage) in 1740–1 was caused by extremely cold and rainy weather that wiped out the harvest (Ó Gráda 15). This earlier famine, almost forgotten today, was more severe than the subsequent one, causing the death of an eight of the population of the island over one and a half years (McBride). These manuscripts are written in living memory of both events. Within the world that they inhabit, it may appear there is little said about hunger or social conditions beyond the walls of their estates. Subjected to closer analysis, however, it is evident that they are loquacious in their own unique way, and make an important contribution to the narrative of cookbooks. Through the three manuscripts discussed here, we find evidence of the culinary hegemony of France and how practitioners in Ireland commented on this in comparatively neutral fashion. An awareness of cholera and bank collapses have been communicated in a singular fashion, while a conversation between diarist and culinary networker has allowed a glimpse into the world of the landed gentry in Ireland during the Georgian period. References Allen, M. “Statement by Myrtle Allen at the opening of Ballymaloe Cookery School.” 14 Nov. 1983. Ballaghtobin. “The Grounds”. nd. 13 Mar. 2013. ‹http://www.ballaghtobin.com/gardens.html›. Barrow, G.L. “Some Dublin Private Banks.” Dublin Historical Record 25.2 (1972): 38–53. Bence-Jones, M. A Guide to Irish Country Houses. London: Constable, 1988. Bourke, A. Ed. Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing Vol V. Cork: Cork UP, 2002. Craske, M. “Design and the Competitive Spirit in Early and Mid 18th Century England”, Journal of Design History 12.3 (1999): 187–216. Cullen, L. The Emergence of Modern Ireland. London: Batsford, 1981. Dawson, Graham. “Trauma, Memory, Politics. The Irish Troubles.” Trauma: Life Stories of Survivors. Ed. Kim Lacy Rogers, Selma Leydesdorff and Graham Dawson. New Jersey: Transaction P, 2004. De Bhaldraithe,T. Ed. Cín Lae Amhlaoibh. Cork: Mercier P, 1979. Ennis Chronicle. 12–23 Feb 1812. 10 Feb. 2013 ‹http://astheywere.blogspot.ie/2012/12/ennis-chronicle-1812-feb-23-feb-12.html› Farmar, A. E-mail correspondence between Farmar and Dr M. Mac Con Iomaire, 26 Jan. 2011. Fenning, H. “The Cholera Epidemic in Ireland 1832–3: Priests, Ministers, Doctors”. Archivium Hibernicum 57 (2003): 77–125. Ferguson, F. “The Industrialisation of Irish Book Production 1790-1900.” The Oxford History of the Irish Book, Vol. IV The Irish Book in English 1800-1891. Ed. J. Murphy. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011. Foster, R.F. Luck and the Irish: A Brief History of Change from 1970. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2008. Gilbert, James William. The History of Banking in Ireland. London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman, 1836. Glasse, Hannah. The Art of Cookery Made Plain and Easy by a Lady: Facsimile Edition. Devon: Prospect, 1983. Gold, C. Danish Cookbooks. Seattle: U of Washington P, 2007. Herbert, D. Retrospections of an Outcast or the Life of Dorothea Herbert. London: Gerald Howe, 1929. Higgins, Michael D. “Remarks by President Michael D. Higgins reflecting on the Gorta Mór: the Great famine of Ireland.” Famine Commemoration, Boston, 12 May 2012. 18 Feb. 2013 ‹http://www.president.ie/speeches/ › Landed Estates Database, National University of Galway, Moore Institute for Research, 10 Feb. 2013 ‹http://landedestates.nuigalway.ie/LandedEstates/jsp/family-show.jsp?id=633.› Lehmann, G. The British Housewife: Cookery books, cooking and society in eighteenth-century Britain. Totnes: Prospect, 1993. ---. “Politics in the Kitchen.” 18th Century Life 23.2 (1999): 71–83. Mac Con Iomaire, M. “The Emergence, Development and Influence of French Haute Cuisine on Public Dining in Dublin Restaurants 1900-2000: An Oral History”. Vol. 2. PhD thesis. Dublin Institute of Technology. 2009. 8 Mar. 2013 ‹http://arrow.dit.ie/tourdoc/12›. McBride, Ian. Eighteenth Century Ireland: The Isle of Slaves. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 2009. McLysaght, E.A. Anelecta Hibernica 15. Dublin: Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1944. Myers, K. “Dinner is served ... But in Our Culinary Dessert it may be Korean.” The Irish Independent 30 Jun. 2006. Nevin, M. “A County Kilkenny Georgian Household Notebook.” Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 109 (1979): 5–18. (NLI) National Library of Ireland. Baker. 19th century manuscript. MS 34,952. ---. Limerick. 19th century manuscript. MS 42,105. ---. Tervoe. 18th century manuscript. MS 42,134. Ó Gráda, C. Famine: A Short History. New Jersey: Princeton UP, 2009. O’Daly, C. E-mail correspondence between Colette O’Daly, Assistant Keeper, Dept. of Manuscripts, National Library of Ireland and Dorothy Cashman. 8 Dec. 2011. Potter, M. William Monsell of Tervoe 1812-1894. Dublin: Irish Academic P, 2009. Rees, Catherine. “Irish Anxiety, Identity and Narrative in the Plays of McDonagh and Jones.” Redefinitions of Irish Identity: A Postnationalist Approach. Eds. Irene Gilsenan Nordin and Carmen Zamorano Llena. Bern: Peter Lang, 2010. St. Canice’s. Cookery and Cures of Old Kilkenny. Kilkenny: Boethius P, 1983. Swift, J. The Works of the Rev Dr J Swift Vol. XIX Dublin: Faulkner, 1772. 8 Feb. 2013. ‹http://www.google.ie/search?tbm=bks&hl=en&q=works+of+jonathan+swift+Vol+XIX+&btnG=› Tennison, C.M. “The Old Dublin Bankers.” Journal of the Cork Historical and Archeological Society 1.2 (1895): 36–9.

Abstract:

Introduction In a period marked by the pervasiveness of new mobile technologies saturating urban areas of the Asia-Pacific region, it can be easy to forget the realities of life in the rural areas. In a location such as Australia, in which 80% of the population lives in urban areas, one must be reminded of the sociotechnological realities of rural existence where often-newer mobile communication devices cease to function. This paper focuses on these black spots – and often forgotten areas – where examples of older, mediated technologies such as UHF Citizen Band (CB) radios can be found as integral to practices of everyday rural life. As Anderson notes, constructs of the nation are formed through contested notions of what individuals and communities imagine and project as a sense of place. In Australia, one of the dominant contested imageries can be found in the urban and rural divide, a divide that is not just social and cultural but technological; it is marked by a digital divide. This divide neatly corresponds to the images of Australia experienced by Australians (predominantly living in urban areas) and exported tourist images of the rugged vast rural landscapes. The remote Australia Outback is a popular destination for domestic tourists. Its sparsely populated and rough terrain attracts tourists seeking a quintessentially Australian experience. Roads are often unmade and in poor condition. Fuel and food supplies and health services are widely separated and there is almost no permanent accommodation. Apart from a small number of regional centres there is no access to mobile phones or radio broadcasts. As a consequence tourists must be largely self sufficient. While the primary roads carry significant road traffic it is possible to drive all day on secondary roads without seeing another person. Isolation and self-sufficiency are both an attraction and a challenge. Travelling in campervans, towing caravans or camper trailers and staying in caravan parks, national parks, roadside stops or alone in the bush, tourists spend extended times in areas where there are few other tourists. Many tourists deal with this isolation by equipping their vehicles with CB radios. Depending on the terrain, they are able to listen to, and participate in conversations with other CB users within a 10-20 kilometre range. In some areas where there are repeater stations, the range of radio transmissions can be extended. This paper examines the role of these CB radios in the daily life of tourists in the Australian Outback. Theoretical Issues The links between travel, the new communications technologies and the diminished spatial-time divide have been explored by John Urry. According to Urry, mobile electronic devices make it possible for people “to leave traces of their selves in informational space” (266). Using these informational traces, mobile communication technologies ‘track’ the movements of travellers, enabling them to communicate synchronously. People become ’nodes in multiple networks of communication and mobility’ (266). Another consequence of readily available communication independent of location is for the meaning of social connections. Social encounters provide tourists with the opportunity to develop and affirm understandings of their shared common occupation of unfamiliar social and cultural landscapes (Harrison). Both transitory and enduring relationships provide information, companionship and resources that allow tourists to create, share and give meaning to their experiences (Stokowski). Communication technology also enables individuals to enter and remain part of social networks while physically absent and distant from them (Johnsen; Makimoto and Manners, Urry). The result is a “nomadic intimacy” in an everyday social and physical environment characterised by extended spaces and individual freedom to move around in these spaces (Fortunati). For travellers in the Australian Outback, this “nomadic intimacy” is both literal and metaphorical. Research has shown that travellers use mobile communications services and a range of other communication strategies to maintain a “symbolic proximity” with family, friends and colleagues (Wurtzel and Turner) and to promote a sense of “presence while absent”, or ‘co-presence’ (Gergen; Lury; Short, Williams and Christie; White and White, “Keeping Connected”; White and White, “Home and Away”). Central to the original notion of co-presence was that it was contingent on those involved in a given communication both being and feeling close enough to perceive each other and to be perceived in the course of their activities (Goffman). That is, the notion of co-presence initially referred to physical presence in face-to-face contact and interactions. However, increasing use of mobile phones in particular has meant that this sense of connection can be affirmed at a distance. But what happens when travellers do not have access to mobile phones and the Internet, and as a consequence, do not have access to their networks of family, friends and colleagues? How do they deal with travel and isolation in a harsh environment? These issues are the starting point for the present paper, which examines travellers’ experience of CB radio in the remote Australian Outback. This exploration of how the CB radio has been incorporated into the daily lives of these travellers can be seen as a contribution to an understanding of the domestication of mobile communications (Haddon). Methodology People were included in the study if they used CB radios while travelling in remote parts of Western Australian and the Northern Territory. The participants were approached in caravan parks, camping grounds and at roadside stops. Most were travelling in caravans while others were using camper trailers and campervans. Twenty-four travellers were interviewed, twelve men and twelve women. All were travelling with partners or spouses, and one group of two couples was travelling together. They ranged in age from twenty five to seventy years, and all were Australian residents. The duration of their travels varied from six weeks to eleven months. Participants were interviewed using a semi-structured interview schedule. The interviews were transcribed and then thematically coded with respect to regularly articulated points of view. Where points of view were distinctive, they were noted during the coding process as contrasting instances. While the relatively small sample size limits generalizability, the issues raised by the respondents provide insights into the meaning of CB radio use in the daily life of travellers in the Australian Outback. Findings Staying Safe The primary reason given for travelling with a CB radio was personal safety. The tourists interviewed were aware of the risks associated with travelling in the Outback. Health emergencies, car accidents and problems with tyres in a harsh and hot environment without ready access to water were often mentioned. ‘If you call a May Day someone will come out and answer…” (Female, 55). Another interviewee reported that: Last year we helped some folk who were bogged in the sand right at the end of the road in the middle of nowhere. The wife just started calling the various channels explaining that they were bogged and asking whether there was anyone out there….We went and towed them out. …. It would have been a long walk for them to get help. (Female, 55) Even though most interviewees had not themselves experienced a personal emergency, many recounted stories about how CB radio had been used to come to the aid of someone in distress. Road conditions were another concern. Travellers were often rightly very concerned about hazards ahead. One traveller noted: You are always going to hear someone who gives you an insight as to what is happening up ahead on the road. If there’s an accident up ahead someone’s going to get on the radio and let people know. Or there could be road works or the road could be sh*tty. (Male, 50) Safety arose in another context. Tourists share the rough and often dusty roads with road trains towing up to three trailers. These vehicles can be 50 metres long. A road train creates wind turbulence when it passes a car and trailer or caravan and the dust it raises reduces visibility. Because of this car drivers and caravanners need to be extremely careful when they pass or are passed by one. Passing a road train at 100 km can take 2.5km. Interviewees reported that they communicated with road train drivers to negotiate a safe time and place to pass. One caravanner noted: Sometimes you see a road train coming up behind you. You call him up and say ” I’ll pull over for you mate and slow down and you go”. You use it a lot because it’s safer. We are not in a hurry. Road trains are working and they are in a hurry and he (sic.) is bigger, so he has the right of way. (Male, 50) As with the dominant rationale for installing and using a CB radio, Rice and Katz showed that concern about safety is the primary motive for women acquiring a mobile phone, and safety was also important for men. The social contact enabled by CB radio provided a means of tracking the movements of other travellers who were nearby. This tracking ability engendered a sense of comfort and enabled them to communicate and exchange information synchronously in a potentially dangerous environment. As a consequence, a ‘metaworld’ (Suvantola) of ‘informational traces’ (Urry) was created. Making Oneself Known All interactions entail conventions and signals that enable a conversation to commence. These conventions were also seen to apply to CB conversations. Driving in a car or truck involves being physically enclosed with the drivers and passengers being either invisible or only partially visible to other travellers. Caravanners deal with this lack of visibility in a number of ways. Many have their first names, the name of their caravan and the channel they use on the rear of their van. A typical sign was “Bill and Rose, Travelling Everywhere, Channel 18” or “Harry and Mary, Bugger Work, Gone Fishing”, Channel 18” clearly visible to anyone coming from behind. (The male partner’s name was invariably first.) A sign that identified the occupants was seen as an invitation to chat by other travellers. One traveller said that if he saw such a sign he would call up by saying: “Hello Harry and Mary”. From then on who knows where it goes. It depends on the people. If someone comes back really cheery and a bit cheeky I can be cheery and cheeky back. (Male, 50) The names of caravans were used in other more personal ways. One couple from South Africa had given their van a Zulu name and that was seen as a way of identifying their origins and encouraging a specific kind of conversation while they were on the road. This couple reported that People call us up and ask us what it means. We have lots of calls about that. We’ve had more conversations about that than anything else. (Male, 67) Another caravanner reported that he had seen a van with “Nanna and Poppa’ on the back. They used that as a cue to start a conversation about their grandchildren. But caravan names linked to their CB radio channel can have a deeper personal meaning. One couple had their first names and the number 58 on the rear of their van. (The number 58 is beyond the range of CB channels.) On further questioning the number 58 was revealed to be the football club number of a daughter who had died. The sign was an attempt to deal with their grief and its public display a way of entering into a conversation about grief and loss. It has probably backfired because it puts people back into their shell because they think “We don’t want to talk about death”. But because of the sign we’ve met people who’ve lost a child too. (Male, 50) As Featherstone notes, drivers develop competence in switching between a range of communicative modes while they are travelling. These range from body gestures to formal signalling devices on other cars. Signage on caravans designed to invite conversation was a specialised signalling device specific to the CB user. Talking Loneliness was another theme emerging from the interviews. One of the attractions of the Outback is its sparse population. As one interviewee noted ‘You can travel all day and not see another soul’ (Female, 35). But this loneliness can be a challenge. Some of these roads are pretty lonely, the radio lets you know that there’s somebody else out there. (Male, 54) Hearing other travellers talk was comforting. As with previous research showing that travellers use mobile communications services to maintain a “symbolic proximity” (Gergen; Lury; Short, Williams and Christie; White and White, “Keeping Connected”) the CB conversations enabled the travellers to feel this sense of connection. These interactions also offered them the possibility of converting mediated relationships into face-to-face encounters along the road. That is, some travellers reported that CB-based chats with people while they were driving would lead to a decision to stop along the road for a shared morning tea or lunch. Conventions governed the use of specific channels. Some of these are government regulated, while others are user generated. For instance, Channels 18 and 40, were seen as ‘working channels’. Some interviewees felt very strongly about people who ‘cluttered up’ these channels and moved to another unused channel when they wanted to have an extended conversation. One couple was unaware of the local convention and could not understand why no one was calling them up. They later discovered that they were on the ‘wrong channel’. Interviewees travelling in a convoy would use the standard channel for travellers and then agree to move to another channel of their choice. When we travelling in a convoy we go off Channel 18 and use another channel to talk. The girls love it to talk about their knitting and work out what they’ve done wrong. We sometimes tell jokes. Also we work out what we are going to do in the next town. (Male, 67) These extended conversations parallel the lengthy conversations between drivers equipped with CB radio in the United States during the 1970’s which Dannaher described as ‘as diverse as those found at a co*cktail party’. They also provided a sense of the “nomadic intimacy” described by Fortunati. Eavesdropping While travellers used Channel 18 for conversations they set their radio to automatically scan all forty channels. When a conversation was located the radio would stop scanning and they could listen to what was being said. This meant that travellers would overhear conversations between strangers. We scan all the channels so you can hear anyone coming up behind, especially trucks and you can hear them say “that damn caravan” and you can say ’ that damn caravan will pull over at the first opportunity.” (Female, 44) But the act of listening in to other people’s conversations created moral dilemmas for some travellers. One interviewee described it as “voyeurism for the ears”. While she described listening to farm conversations as giving her an insight into daily life on huge cattle station she was tempted to butt into one conversation that she was listening to. On reflection she decided against entering the conversation. She said: I didn’t want them to know that we were eavesdropping on their conversation. I’d be embarrassed if a third-party knew that we were listening in. I guess that I’ve been taught that you shouldn’t listen in to other people’s conversations. It’s not good manners… (Female, 35) When travellers overheard conversations between road train or truck drivers they had mixed responses. These conversations were often sexually loaded and seen as coarse by the middle class travellers. Some were forgiving of the conversational excesses, distinguishing themselves from the rough and tumble world of the ‘truckies’. One traveller noted that the truck drivers use a lot of bad language, but you’ve got to go with that, because that’s the type of people they are. But you have to go with the flow. We know that we are ‘playing’ and the truckies are ‘working’ so you have to be considerate to them. (Female, 50) While the language of the truck drivers was often threatening to middle class travellers, overhearing their conversations was also seen as a comfort. One traveller remarked that sometimes you hear truckies talking about their families and they obviously know each other. It’s kind of nice to see how they think. (Female, 50) Travellers had similar feelings when they overheard conversations from cattle stations. Also, local cattle station workers and their families would use CB radios for their social and working communications. Travellers would often overhear these conversations. One traveller noted that when we are driving through a cattle station we work out which channel they are using, and we lock it on that one. And then we listen until they are out of range. We are city people and listening to the station chatter gives us a bit of an insight into what it must be like as a farmer working land out here. And then we talk about the farmers’ conversations. (Female, 35) Another traveller noted: If you are travelling and there’s nothing you can see you can listen to the farmer talking to his wife or the kids. It’s absolutely awesome to hear conversations on radio. (Female, 67) This empathic listening allows the travellers to imagine the lives of others in settings quite different from those with which they are familiar. Furthermore, hearing farmers talking about fixing the fence in the left paddock or rounding up strays makes ‘you feel that you’re not alone’. The networking of the travellers’ social life arising from listening in to others meant that they were able to learn about the environment in which they found themselves, as well as enabling them to feel that they continued to remain embedded or ‘co-present’ in social relationships in circ*mstances of considerable physical isolation. Conclusions The accounts provided by tourists illustrated the way communications technologies – in this case, CB radio – enabled people to become ’nodes in multiple networks of communication and mobility’ described by Urry and to maintain ‘co-presence’. The CB radio allowed tourists to remain part of social networks while being physically absent from them (Gergen). Their responses also demonstrated the significance of CB radio in giving meaning to the experience of travel. The CB radio was shown to be an important part of the travel experience in the remote Australian Outback. The use of CB made it possible for travellers in the Australian Outback to obtain information vital for the safe traverse of the huge distances and isolated roads. The technology enabled them to break down the atomism and frontier-like isolation of the highway. Drivers and their passengers could reach out to other travellers and avoid remaining unconnected strangers. Long hours on the road could be dealt with by listening in on others’ conversations, even though some ambivalence was expressed about this activity. Despite an awareness that they could be violating the personal boundaries of others and that their conversations could be overheard, the use of CB radio meant staying safe and enjoying guilty pleasures. Imagined or not. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Community. London: Verso, 1983 Dannefer, W. Dale. “The C.B. Phenomenon: A Sociological Appraisal.” Journal of Popular Culture 12 (1979): 611-19. Featherstone, Mike. “Automobilities: An Introduction.” Theory, Culture and Society 21.4/5 (2004): 1-24. Fortunati, Leopoldina. “The Mobile Phone: Towards New Categories and Social Relations.” Information, Communication and Society 5.2 (2002): 513-28. Gergen, Kenneth. “The Challenge of Absence Presence.” Perpetual Contact: Mobile Communications, Private Talk, Public Performance. Ed. James Katz. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002. 227-54. Goffman, Erving. Behavior in Public Places: Notes on the Social Organization of Gatherings. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963. Haddon, Leslie. “Domestication and Mobile Telephony.” Machines That Become Us: The Social Context of Personal Communication Technology. Ed. James E. Katz. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 2003. 43-55. Harrison, Julia. Being a Tourist: Finding Meaning in Pleasure Travel. Vancouver: U of British Columbia P, 2003. Johnsen, Truls Erik. “The Social Context of Mobile Use of Norwegian Teens.” Machines That Become Us: The Social Context of Personal Communication Technology. Ed. James Katz. London: Transaction Publishers, 2003. 161-69. Ling, Richard. “One Can Talk about Common Manners! The Use of Mobile Telephones in Inappropiate Situations.” Communications on the Move: The Experience of Mobile Telephony in the 1990s (Report of Cost 248: The Future European Telecommunications User Mobile Workgroup). Ed. Leslie Haddon. Farsta, Sweden: Telia AB, 1997. 97-120. Lury, Celia. “The Objects of Travel.” Touring Cultures: Transformations of Travel and Theory. Eds. Chris Rojek and John Urry. London: Routledge, 1997. 75-95. Rice, Ronald E., and James E. Katz. “Comparing Internet and Mobile Phone Usage: Digital Divides of Usage, Adoption and Dropouts.” Telecommunications Policy 27 (2003): 597-623. Short, J., E. Williams, and B. Christie. The Social Psychology of Telecommunications. New York: Wiley, 1976. Stokowski, Patricia. “Social Networks and Tourist Behavior.” American Behavioural Scientist 36.2 (1992): 212-21. Suvantola, Jaakko. Tourist’s Experience of Place. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002. Urry, John. “Mobility and Proximity.” Sociology 36.2 (2002): 255-74. ———. “Social Networks, Travel and Talk.” British Journal of Sociology 54.2 (2003): 155-75. White, Naomi Rosh, and Peter B. White. “Home and Away: Tourists in a Connected World.” Annals of Tourism Research 34. 1 (2007): 88-104. White, Peter B., and Naomi Rosh White. “Keeping Connected: Travelling with the Telephone.” Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 11.2 (2005): 102-18. Williams, Stephen, and Lynda Williams. “Space Invaders: The Negotiation of Teenage Boundaries through the Mobile Phone.” The Sociological Review 53.2 (2005): 314-31. Wurtzel, Alan H., and Colin Turner. “Latent Functions of the Telephone: What Missing the Extension Means.” The Social Impact of the Telephone. Ed. Ithiel de Sola Pool. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1977. 246-61. Citation reference for this article MLA Style White, Peter B., and Naomi White. "Staying Safe and Guilty Pleasures: Tourists and CB Radio in the Australian Outback." M/C Journal 10.1 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/11-white-white.php>. APA Style White, P., and N. White. (Mar. 2007) "Staying Safe and Guilty Pleasures: Tourists and CB Radio in the Australian Outback," M/C Journal, 10(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/11-white-white.php>.

Abstract:

Introduction The academic area known as food studies—incorporating elements from disciplines including anthropology, folklore, history, sociology, gastronomy, and cultural studies as well as a range of multi-disciplinary approaches—asserts that cooking and eating practices are less a matter of nutrition (maintaining life by absorbing nutrients from food) and more a personal or group expression of various social and/or cultural actions, values or positions. The French philosopher, Michel de Certeau agrees, arguing, moreover, that there is an urgency to name and unpick (what he identifies as) the “minor” practices, the “multifarious and silent reserve of procedures” of everyday life. Such practices are of crucial importance to all of us, as although seemingly ordinary, and even banal, they have the ability to “organise” our lives (48). Within such a context, the following aims to consider the influence and significance of an important (although largely unstudied) professional figure in rural and regional economic life: the country food preparer variously known as the local chef or cook. Such an approach is obviously framed by the concept of “cultural economy”. This term recognises the convergence, and interdependence, of the spheres of the cultural and the economic (see Scott 335, for an influential discussion on how “the cultural geography of space and the economic geography of production are intertwined”). Utilising this concept in relation to chefs and cooks seeks to highlight how the ways these figures organise (to use de Certeau’s term) the social and cultural lives of those in their communities are embedded in economic practices and also how, in turn, their economic contributions are dependent upon social and cultural practices. This initial mapping of the influence and significance of the rural and regional chef in one rural and regional area, therefore, although necessarily different in approach and content, continues the application of such converged conceptualisations of the cultural and economic as Teema Tairu’s discussion of the social, recreational and spiritual importance of food preparation and consumption by the unemployed in Finland, Guy Redden’s exploration of how supermarket products reflect shared values, and a series of analyses of the cultural significance of individual food products, such as Richard White’s study of vegemite. While Australians, both urban and rural, currently enjoy access to an internationally renowned food culture, it is remarkable to consider that it has only been during the years following the Second World War that these sophisticated and now much emulated ways of eating and cooking have developed. It is, indeed, only during the last half century that Australian eating habits have shifted from largely Anglo-Saxon influenced foods and meals that were prepared and eaten in the home, to the consumption of a wider range of more international and sophisticated foods and meals that are, increasingly, prepared by others and eaten outside the consumer’s residence. While a range of commonly cited influences has prompted this relatively recent revolution in culinary practice—including post-war migration, increasing levels of prosperity, widespread international travel, and the forces of globalisation—some of this change owes a debt to a series of influential individual figures. These tastemakers have included food writers and celebrity chefs; with early exponents including Margaret Fulton, Graham Kerr and Charmaine Solomon (see Brien). The findings of this study suggests that many restaurant chefs, and other cooks, have similarly played, and continue to take, a key role in the lives of not only the, necessarily, limited numbers of individuals who dine in a particular eatery or the other chefs and/or cooks trained in that establishment (Ruhlman, Reach), but also the communities in which they work on a much broader scale. Considering Chefs In his groundbreaking study, A History of Cooks and Cooking, Australian food historian Michael Symons proposes that those who prepare food are worthy of serious consideration because “if ‘we are what we eat’, cooks have not just made our meals, but have also made us. They have shaped our social networks, our technologies, arts and religions” (xi). Writing that cooks “deserve to have their stories told often and well,” and that, moreover, there is a “need to invent ways to think about them, and to revise our views about ourselves in their light” (xi), Symons’s is a clarion call to investigate the role and influence of cooks. Charles-Allen Baker-Clark has explicitly begun to address this lacunae in his Profiles from the Kitchen: What Great Cooks Have Taught Us About Ourselves and Our Food (2006), positing not only how these figures have shaped our relationships with food and eating, but also how these relationships impact on identities, culture and a range of social issues including those of social justice, spirituality and environmental sustainability. With the growing public interest in celebrities, it is perhaps not surprising that, while such research on chefs and/or cooks is still in its infancy, most of the existing detailed studies on individuals focus on famed international figures such as Marie-Antoine Carême (Bernier; Kelly), Escoffier (James; Rachleff; Sanger), and Alexis Soyer (Brandon; Morris; Ray). Despite an increasing number of tabloid “tell-all” surveys of contemporary celebrity chefs, which are largely based on mass media sources and which display little concern for historical or biographical accuracy (Bowyer; Hildred and Ewbank; Simpson; Smith), there have been to date only a handful of “serious” researched biographies of contemporary international chefs such as Julia Child, Alice Waters (Reardon; Riley), and Bernard Loiseux (Chelminski)—the last perhaps precipitated by an increased interest in this chef following his suicide after his restaurant lost one of its Michelin stars. Despite a handful of collective biographical studies of Australian chefs from the later-1980s on (Jenkins; O’Donnell and Knox; Brien), there are even fewer sustained biographical studies of Australian chefs or cooks (Clifford-Smith’s 2004 study of “the supermarket chef,” Bernard King, is a notable exception). Throughout such investigations, as well as in other popular food writing in magazines and cookbooks, there is some recognition that influential chefs and cooks have worked, and continue to work, outside such renowned urban culinary centres as Paris, London, New York, and Sydney. The Michelin starred restaurants of rural France, the so-called “gastropubs” of rural Britain and the advent of the “star-chef”-led country bed and breakfast establishment in Australia and New Zealand, together with the proliferation of farmer’s markets and a public desire to consume locally sourced, and ecologically sustainable, produce (Nabhan), has focused fresh attention on what could be called “the rural/regional chef”. However, despite the above, little attention has focused on the Australian non-urban chef/cook outside of the pages of a small number of key food writing magazines such as Australian Gourmet Traveller and Vogue Entertaining + Travel. Setting the Scene with an Australian Country Example: Armidale and Guyra In 2004, the Armidale-Dumaresq Council (of the New England region, New South Wales, Australia) adopted the slogan “Foodies thrive in Armidale” to market its main city for the next three years. With a population of some 20,000, Armidale’s main industry (in economic terms) is actually education and related services, but the latest Tourist Information Centre’s Dining Out in Armidale (c. 2006) brochure lists some 25 restaurants, 9 bistros and brasseries, 19 cafés and 5 fast food outlets featuring Australian, French, Italian, Mediterranean, Chinese, Thai, Indian and “international” cuisines. The local Yellow Pages telephone listings swell the estimation of the total number of food-providing businesses in the city to 60. Alongside the range of cuisines cited above, a large number of these eateries foreground the use of fresh, local foods with such phrases as “local and regional produce,” “fresh locally grown produce,” “the finest New England ingredients” and locally sourced “New England steaks, lamb and fresh seafood” repeatedly utilised in advertising and other promotional material. Some thirty kilometres to the north along the New England highway, the country town of Guyra, proclaimed a town in 1885, is the administrative and retail centre for a shire of some 2,200 people. Situated at 1,325 metres above sea level, the town is one of the highest in Australia with its main industries those of fine wool and lamb, beef cattle, potatoes and tomatoes. Until 1996, Guyra had been home to a large regional abattoir that employed some 400 staff at the height of its productivity, but rationalisation of the meat processing industry closed the facility, together with its associated pet food processor, causing a downturn in employment, local retail business, and real estate values. Since 2004, Guyra’s economy has, however, begun to recover after the town was identified by the Costa Group as the perfect site for glasshouse grown tomatoes. Perfect, due to its rare combination of cool summers (with an average of less than two days per year with temperatures over 30 degrees celsius), high winter light levels and proximity to transport routes. The result: 3.3 million kilograms of truss, vine harvested, hydroponic “Top of the Range” tomatoes currently produced per annum, all year round, in Guyra’s 5-hectare glasshouse: Australia’s largest, opened in December 2005. What residents (of whom I am one) call the “tomato-led recovery” has generated some 60 new local jobs directly related to the business, and significant flow on effects in terms of the demand for local services and retail business. This has led to substantial rates of renovation and building of new residential and retail properties, and a noticeably higher level of trade flowing into the town. Guyra’s main street retail sector is currently burgeoning and stories of its renewal have appeared in the national press. Unlike many similar sized inland towns, there are only a handful of empty shops (and most of these are in the process of being renovated), and new commercial premises have recently been constructed and opened for business. Although a small town, even in Australian country town terms, Guyra now has 10 restaurants, hotel bistros and cafés. A number of these feature local foods, with one pub’s bistro regularly featuring the trout that is farmed just kilometres away. Assessing the Contribution of Local Chefs and Cooks In mid-2007, a pilot survey to begin to explore the contribution of the regional chef in these two close, but quite distinct, rural and regional areas was sent to the chefs/cooks of the 70 food-serving businesses in Armidale and Guyra that I could identify. Taking into account the 6 returns that revealed a business had closed, moved or changed its name, the 42 replies received represented a response rate of 65.5per cent (or two thirds), representatively spread across the two towns. Answers indicated that the businesses comprised 18 restaurants, 13 cafés, 6 bistro/brasseries, 1 roadhouse, 1 takeaway/fast food and 3 bed and breakfast establishments. These businesses employed 394 staff, of whom 102 were chefs and/cooks, or 25.9 per cent of the total number of staff then employed by these establishments. In answer to a series of questions designed to ascertain the roles played by these chefs/cooks in their local communities, as well as more widely, I found a wide range of inputs. These chefs had, for instance, made a considerable contribution to their local economies in the area of fostering local jobs and a work culture: 40 (95 per cent) had worked with/for another local business including but not exclusively food businesses; 30 (71.4 per cent) had provided work experience opportunities for those aspiring to work in the culinary field; and 22 (more than half) had provided at least one apprenticeship position. A large number had brought outside expertise and knowledge with them to these local areas, with 29 (69 per cent) having worked in another food business outside Armidale or Guyra. In terms of community building and sustainability, 10 (or almost a quarter) had assisted or advised the local Council; 20 (or almost half) had worked with local school children in a food-related way; 28 (two thirds) had helped at least one charity or other local fundraising group. An extra 7 (bringing the cumulative total to 83.3 per cent) specifically mentioned that they had worked with/for the local gallery, museum and/or local history group. 23 (more than half) had been involved with and/or contributed to a local festival. The question of whether they had “contributed anything else important, helpful or interesting to the community” elicited the following responses: writing a food or wine column for the local paper (3 respondents), delivering TAFE teacher workshops (2 respondents), holding food demonstrations for Rotary and Lions Clubs and school fetes (5 respondents), informing the public about healthy food (3 respondents), educating the public about environmental issues (2 respondents) and working regularly with Meals on Wheels or a similar organisation (6 respondents, or 14.3 per cent). One respondent added his/her work as a volunteer driver for the local ambulance transport service, the only non-food related response to this question. Interestingly, in line with the activity of well-known celebrity chefs, in addition to the 3 chefs/cooks who had written a food or wine column for the local newspaper, 11 respondents (more than a quarter of the sample) had written or contributed to a cookbook or recipe collection. One of these chefs/cooks, moreover, reported that he/she produced a weblog that was “widely read”, and also contributed to international food-related weblogs and websites. In turn, the responses indicated that the (local) communities—including their governing bodies—also offer some support of these chefs and cooks. Many respondents reported they had been featured in, or interviewed and/or photographed for, a range of media. This media comprised the following: the local newspapers (22 respondents, 52.4 per cent), local radio stations (19 respondents, 45.2 per cent), regional television stations (11 respondents, 26.2 per cent) and local websites (8 respondents, 19 per cent). A number had also attracted other media exposure. This was in the local, regional area, especially through local Council publications (31 respondents, 75 per cent), as well as state-wide (2 respondents, 4.8 per cent) and nationally (6 respondents, 14.3 per cent). Two of these local chefs/cooks (or 4.8 per cent) had attracted international media coverage of their activities. It is clear from the above that, in the small area surveyed, rural and regional chefs/cooks make a considerable contribution to their local communities, with all the chefs/cooks who replied making some, and a number a major, contribution to those communities, well beyond the requirements of their paid positions in the field of food preparation and service. The responses tendered indicate that these chefs and cooks contributed regularly to local public events, institutions and charities (with a high rate of contribution to local festivals, school programs and local charitable activities), and were also making an input into public education programs, local cultural institutions, political and social debates of local importance, as well as the profitability of other local businesses. They were also actively supporting not only the future of the food industry as a whole, but also the viability of their local communities, by providing work experience opportunities and taking on local apprentices for training and mentorship. Much more than merely food providers, as a group, these chefs and cooks were, it appears, also operating as food historians, public intellectuals, teachers, activists and environmentalists. They were, moreover, operating as content producers for local media while, at the same time, acting as media producers and publishers. Conclusion The terms “chef” and “cook” can be diversely defined. All definitions, however, commonly involve a sense of professionalism in food preparation reflecting some specialist knowledge and skill in the culinary arts, as well as various levels of creativity, experience and responsibility. In terms of the specific duties that chefs and professional cooks undertake every day, almost all publications on the subject deal specifically with workplace related activities such as food and other supply ordering, staff management, menu planning and food preparation and serving. This is constant across culinary textbooks (see, for instance, Culinary Institute of America 2002) and more discursive narratives about the professional chef such as the bestselling autobiographical musings of Anthony Bourdain, and Michael Ruhlman’s journalistic/biographical investigations of US chefs (Soul; Reach). An alternative preliminary examination, and categorisation, of the roles these professionals play outside their kitchens reveals, however, a much wider range of community based activities and inputs than such texts suggest. It is without doubt that the chefs and cooks who responded to the survey discussed above have made, and are making, a considerable contribution to their local New England communities. It is also without doubt that these contributions are of considerable value, and valued by, those country communities. Further research will have to consider to what extent these contributions, and the significance and influence of these chefs and cooks in those communities are mirrored, or not, by other country (as well as urban) chefs and cooks, and their communities. Acknowledgements An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Engaging Histories: Australian Historical Association Regional Conference, at the University of New England, September 2007. I would like to thank the session’s participants for their insightful comments on that presentation. A sincere thank you, too, to the reviewers of this article, whose suggestions assisted my thinking on this piece. Research to complete this article was carried out whilst a Visiting Fellow with the Research School of Humanities, the Australian National University. References Armidale Tourist Information Centre. Dining Out in Armidale [brochure]. Armidale: Armidale-Dumaresq Council, c. 2006. Baker-Clark, C. A. Profiles from the Kitchen: What Great Cooks have Taught us about Ourselves and our Food. Lexington: UP of Kentucky, 2006. Bernier, G. Antoine Carême 1783-1833: La Sensualité Gourmande en Europe. Paris: Grasset, 1989. Bourdain, A. Kitchen Confidential: Adventures in the Culinary Underbelly. New York: Harper Perennial, 2001. Bowyer, A. Delia Smith: The Biography. London: André Deutsch, 1999. Brandon, R. The People’s Chef: Alexis Soyer, A Life in Seven Courses. Chichester: Wiley, 2005. Brien, D. L. “Australian Celebrity Chefs 1950-1980: A Preliminary Study.” Australian Folklore 21 (2006): 201–18. Chelminski, R. The Perfectionist: Life and Death In Haute Cuisine. New York: Gotham Books, 2005. Clifford-Smith, S. A Marvellous Party: The Life of Bernard King. Milson’s Point: Random House Australia, 2004. Culinary Institute of America. The Professional Chef. 7th ed. New York: Wiley, 2002. de Certeau, M. The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988. Hildred, S., and T. Ewbank. Jamie Oliver: The Biography. London: Blake, 2001. Jenkins, S. 21 Great Chefs of Australia: The Coming of Age of Australian Cuisine. East Roseville: Simon and Schuster, 1991. Kelly, I. Cooking for Kings: The Life of Antoine Carême, The First Celebrity Chef. New York: Walker and Company, 2003. James, K. Escoffier: The King of Chefs. London and New York: Hambledon and London, 2002. Morris, H. Portrait of a Chef: The Life of Alexis Soyer, Sometime Chef to the Reform Club. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1938. Nabhan, G. P. Coming Home to Eat: The Pleasures and Politics of Local Foods. New York: W.W. Norton, 2002. O’Donnell, M., and T. Knox. Great Australian Chefs. Melbourne: Bookman Press, 1999. Rachleff, O. S. Escoffier: King of Chefs. New York: Broadway Play Pub., 1983. Ray, E. Alexis Soyer: Cook Extraordinary. Lewes: Southover, 1991. Reardon, J. M. F. K. Fisher, Julia Child, and Alice Waters: Celebrating the Pleasures of the Table. New York: Harmony Books, 1994. Redden, G. “Packaging the Gifts of Nation.” M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999) accessed 10 September 2008 http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/gifts.php. Riley, N. Appetite For Life: The Biography of Julia Child. New York: Doubleday, 1977. Ruhlman, M. The Soul of a Chef. New York: Viking, 2001. Ruhlman, M. The Reach of a Chef. New York: Viking, 2006. Sanger, M. B. Escoffier: Master Chef. New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1976. Scott, A. J. “The Cultural Economy of Cities.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 212 (1997) 323–39. Simpson, N. Gordon Ramsay: The Biography. London: John Blake, 2006. Smith, G. Nigella Lawson: A Biography. London: Andre Deutsch, 2005. Symons, M. A History of Cooks and Cooking. Urbana and Chicago: U of Illinois P, 2004. Tairu, T. “Material Food, Spiritual Quest: When Pleasure Does Not Follow Purchase.” M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999) accessed 10 September 2008 http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/pleasure.php. White, R. S. “Popular Culture as the Everyday: A Brief Cultural History of Vegemite.” Australian Popular Culture. Ed. I. Craven. Cambridge UP, 1994. 15–21.

Abstract:

Historians of Modern Architecture have cultivated the image of the architect as a temperamental genius, unconcerned by issues of politeness or pragmatics—a reading reinforced in cultural representations of Modern Architects, such as Howard Roark, the protagonist in Ayn Rand’s 1943 novel The Fountainhead (a character widely believed to be based on the architect Frank Lloyd Wright). The perception of the Modern Architect as an artistic hero or genius has also influenced the reception of their work. Despite their indisputable place within the architectural canon, many important works of Modern Architecture were contested on pragmatic grounds, such as cost, brief and particularly concerning issues of suitability and effectiveness in relation to climate and weather. A number of famed cases resulted in legal action between clients and architects, and in many more examples historians have critically framed these accounts to highlight alternate issues and agendas. “Complaints about the weather,” in relation to architecture, inevitably raise issues regarding a work’s “success,” particularly in view of the tensions between artistry and functionality inherent in the discipline of architecture. While in more recent decades these ideas have been framed around ideas of sustainability—particularly in relation to contemporary buildings—more traditionally they have been engaged through discussions of an architect’s ethical responsibility to deliver a habitable building that meets the client’s needs. This paper suggests these complaints often raise a broader range of issues and are used to highlight tensions inherent in the discipline. In the history of Modern Architecture, these complaints are often framed through gender studies, ethics and, more recently, artistic asceticism. Accounts of complaints and disputes are often invoked in the social construction (or deconstruction) of artistic genius – whether in a positive or negative light. Through its discussion of a number of famed examples, this paper will discuss the framing of climate in relation to the figure of the Modern Architect and the reception of the architectural “masterpiece.” Dear Monsieur Le Corbusier … In June 1930 Mme Savoye, the patron of the famed Villa Savoye on the outskirts of Paris, wrote to her architect, Le Corbusier, stating: “it is still raining in our garage” (Sbriglio 144)—a persistent theme in their correspondence. This letter followed another sent in March after discovering leaks in the garage and several bedrooms following a visit during inclement weather. While sent prior to the building’s completion, she also noted that rainfall on the bathroom skylight “makes a terrible noise […] which prevents us from sleeping in bad weather” (Sbriglio 142). Claiming to have warned Le Corbusier about the concern, the contractor refused to accept responsibility, prompting some rather fiery correspondence between the two. This problem, compounded by issues with the heating system, resulted in the house feeling, as Sbriglio notes, “cold and damp” and subject to “substantial heat loss due to the large glazing”—a cause for particular concern given the health problems of the clients’ only child, Roger Savoye, that saw him spend time in a French Sanatorium (Sbriglio 145). While the cause of Roger’s illness is not clear, at least one writer (albeit with a noticeable lack of footnotes or supporting evidence) has linked this directly to the villa (de Botton 65). Mme Savoye’s complaints about dampness, humidity, condensation and leaking in her home persisted in subsequent years, prompting Benton to summarise in 1987, “every autumn […] there were cries of distress from the Savoye family with the first rains” (Villas 204). These also extended to discussion of the heating system, which while proving insufficient was also causing flooding (Benton, "Villa" 93). In 1935 Savoye again wrote to Le Corbusier, wearily stating: It is raining in the hall, it’s raining on the ramp and the wall of the garage is absolutely soaked [….] it’s still raining in my bathroom, which floods in bad weather, as the water comes in through the skylight. The gardener’s walls are also wet through. (Sbriglio 146-7) Savoye’s understandable vexation with waterproofing problems in her home continued to escalate. With a mixture of gratitude and frustration, a letter sent two years later stated: “After innumerable demands you have finally accepted that this house which you built in 1929 in uninhabitable…. Please render it inhabitable immediately. I sincerely hope that I will not have to take recourse to legal action” (Sbriglio 147). Paradoxically, Le Corbusier was interested in the potential of architecture and urban planning to facilitate health and well-being, as well as the effects that climate may play in this. Early twentieth century medical thought advocated heliotherary (therapeutic exposure to sunlight) for a diverse range of medical conditions, ranging from rickets to tuberculosis. Similarly the health benefits of climate, such as the dryness of mountain air, had been recognised for much longer, and had led to burgeoning industries associated with health, travel and climate. The dangers of damp environments had also long been medically recognised. Le Corbusier’s awareness of the health benefits of sunshine led to the inclusion of a solarium in the villa that afforded both framed and unframed views of the surrounding countryside, such as those that were advocated in the seventeenth century as an antidote to melancholy (Burton 65-66). Both Benton and Sbriglio present Mme Savoye’s complaints as part of their comprehensive histories of an important and influential work of Modern Architecture. Each reproduce excerpts from archival letters that are not widely translated or accessible, and Benton’s 1984 essay is the source other authors generally cite in discussing these matters. In contrast, for example, Murphy’s 2002 account of the villa’s conversion from “house” to “historical monument” cites the same letters (via Benton) as part of a broader argument that highlights the “undomestic” or “unhomely” nature of the work by cataloguing such accounts of the client’s experience of discomfort while residing in the space – thus revisiting a number of common criticisms of Modern Architecture. Le Corbusier’s reputation for designing buildings that responded poorly to climate is often referenced in popular accounts of his work. For example, a 1935 article published in Time states: Though the great expanses of glass that he favors may occasionally turn his rooms into hothouses, his flat roofs may leak and his plans may be wasteful of space, it was Architect Le Corbusier who in 1923 put the entire philosophy of modern architecture into a single sentence: “A house is a machine to live in.” Reference to these issues are usually made rather minimally in academic accounts of his work, and few would agree with this article’s assertion that Le Corbusier’s influence as a phrasemaker would rival the impact of his architecture. In contrast, such issues, in relation to other architects, are often invoked more rhetorically as part of a variety of historical agendas, particularly in constructing feminist histories of architecture. While Corbusier and his work have often been the source of intellectual contention from feminist scholars—for example in regard to authorial disputes and fractious relationships with the likes of Eileen Gray or Charlotte Perriand – discussion of the functional failures in the Villa Savoye are rarely addressed from this perspective. Rather, feminist scholars have focussed their attention on a number of other projects, most notably the case of the Farnsworth House, another canonical work of Modernism. Dear Herr Mies van der Rohe … Mies van der Rohe’s Farnsworth House, completed in 1951 in Plano Illinois, was commissioned as a country weekend residence by an unmarried female doctor, a brief credited with freeing the architect from many of the usual pragmatic requirements of a permanent city residence. In response Mies designed a rectilinear steel and glass pavilion, which hovered (to avoid the flood levels) above the landscape, sheltered by maple trees, in close proximity to the Fox River. The refined architectural detail, elegant formal properties, and poetic relationship with the surrounding landscape – whether in its autumnal splendour or covered in a thick blanket of snow – captivated architects seeing it become, like the Villa Savoye, one of the most revered architectural works of the twentieth century. Prior to construction a model was exhibited in the Museum of Modern Art in New York and, upon completion the building became a pilgrimage site for architects and admirers. The exhibition of the design later fuelled debate about whether Dr Farnsworth constituted a patron or a client (Friedman 134); a distinction generating very different expectations for the responsibilities of the architect, particularly regarding the production of a habitable home that met the client’s brief versus producing a design of architectural merit. The house was intended as a frame for viewing and contemplating nature, thus seeing nature and climate aligned with the transcendental qualities of the design. Following a visit during construction, Farnsworth described the building’s relationship to the elements, writing: “the two horizontal planes of the unfinished building, floating over the meadows, were unearthly beautiful under a sun which glowed like a wild rose” (5). Similarly, in 1951, Arthur Drexler described the building as “a quantity of air caught between a floor and a roof” (Vandenberg 6). Seven years later the architect himself asserted that nature “gained a more profound significance” when viewed from within the house (Friedman 139). While the transparency of the house was “forgiven” by its isolated location and the lack of visibility from neighbouring properties, the issues a glass and steel box might pose for the thermal comfort of its occupant are not difficult to imagine. Following the house’s completion, Farnsworth fitted windows with insect screens and blinds (although Mies intended for curtains to be installed) that clumsily undermined the refined and minimalistic architectural details. Controversy surrounding the house was, in part, the result of its bold new architectural language. However, it was also due to the architect-client relationship, which turned acrimonious in a very public manner. A dispute between Mies and Farnsworth regarding unpaid fees was fought both in the courtroom and the media, becoming a forum for broader debate as various journals (for example, House Beautiful), publicly took sides. The professional female client versus the male architect and the framing of their dispute by historians and the media has seen this project become a seminal case-study in feminist architectural histories, such as Friedman’s Women and the Making of the Modern House of 1998. Beyond the conflict and speculation about the individuals involved, at the core of these discussions were the inadequacies of the project in relation to comfort and climate. For example, Farnsworth describes in her journal finding the house awash with several inches of water, leading to a court session being convened on the rooftop in order to properly ascertain the defects (14). Written retrospectively, after their relationship soured, Farnsworth’s journal delights in recounting any errors or misjudgements made by Mies during construction. For example, she described testing the fireplace to find “the house was sealed so hermetically that the attempt of a flame to go up the chimney caused an interior negative pressure” (2). Further, her growing disenchantment was reflected in bleak descriptions aligning the building with the weather. Describing her first night camping in her home, she wrote: “the expanses of the glass walls and the sills were covered with ice. The silent meadows outside white with old and hardened snow reflected the bleak [light] bulb within, as if the glass house itself were an unshaded bulb of uncalculated watts lighting the winter plains” (9). In an April 1953 article in House Beautiful, Elizabeth Gordon publicly sided with Farnsworth as part of a broader campaign against the International Style. She condemned the home, and its ‘type’ as “unlivable”, writing: “You burn up in the summer and freeze in the winter, because nothing must interfere with the ‘pure’ form of their rectangles” (250). Gordon included the lack of “overhanging roofs to shade you from the sun” among a catalogue of “human qualities” she believed architects sacrificed for the expression of composition—a list that also included possessions, children, pets and adequate kitchen facilities (250). In 1998 excerpts from this article were reproduced by Friedman, in her seminal work of feminist architectural history, and were central in her discussion of the way that debates surrounding this house were framed through notions of gender. Responding to this conflict, and its media coverage, in 1960 Peter Blake wrote: All great houses by great architects tend to be somewhat impractical; many of Corbu’s and Wright’s house clients find that they are living in too expensive and too inefficient buildings. Yet many of these clients would never exchange their houses for the most workable piece of mediocrity. (88) Far from complaining about the weather, the writings of its second owner, Peter Palumbo, poetically meditate the building’s relationship to the seasons and the elements. In his foreword to a 2003 monograph, he wrote: life inside the house is very much a balance with nature, and an extension of nature. A change in the season or an alteration of the landscape creates a marked change in the mood inside the house. With an electric storm of Wagnerian proportions illuminating the night sky and shaking the foundations of the house to their very core, it is possible to remain quite dry! When, with the melting snows of spring, the Fox River becomes a roaring torrent that bursts its banks, the house assumes a character of a house-boat, the water level sometimes rising perilously close to the front door. On such occasions, the approach to the house is by canoe, which is tied to the steps of the upper terrace. (Vandenberg 5) Palumbo purchased the house from Farnsworth and commissioned Mies’s grandson to restore it to its original condition, removing the blinds and insect screens, and installing an air-conditioning system. The critical positioning of Palumbo has been quite different from that of Farnsworth. His restoration and writings on the project have in some ways seen him positioned as the “real” architectural patron. Furthermore, his willingness to tolerate some discomfort in his inhabitation has seen him in some ways prefigure the type of resident that will be next be discussed in reference to recent owners of Wright properties. Dear Mr Wright … Accounts of weatherproofing problems in buildings designed by Frank Lloyd Wright have become the basis of mythology in the architectural discipline. For example, in 1936 Herbert Johnson and J. Vernon Steinle visited Wright’s Richard Lloyd Jones house in Oklahoma. As Jonathan Lipman wrote, “Steinle’s most prominent recollection of the house was that there were scores of tubs and canning jars in the house catching water leaking through the roof” (45). While Lipman notes the irony that both the house and office Wright designed for Johnson would suffer the same problem, it is the anecdotal accounts of the former that have perhaps attracted the most interest. An oft-recounted story tells of Johnson telephoning Wright, during a dinner party, with regard to water dripping from the ceiling into his guest-of-honour’s soup; the complaint was reportedly rebuffed unsympathetically by Wright who suggested the lady should move her chair (Farr 272). Wright himself addressed his reputation for designing buildings that leaked in his Autobiography. In reference to La Miniatura in Pasadena, of 1923, he contextualised difficulties with the local climate, which he suggested was prone to causing leaks, writing: “The sun bakes the roof for eleven months, two weeks and five days, shrinking it to a shrivel. Then giving the roof no warning whatever to get back to normal if it could, the clouds burst. Unsuspecting roof surfaces are deluged by a three inch downpour.” He continued, stating: I knew all this. And I know there are more leaking roofs in Southern California than in all the rest of the world put together. I knew that the citizens come to look upon water thus in a singularly ungrateful mood. I knew that water is all that enables them to have their being there, but let any of it through on them from above, unexpectedly, in their houses and they go mad. It is a kind of phobia. I knew all this and I have taken seriously precautions in the details of this little house to avoid such scenes as a result of negligible roofs. This is the truth. (250) Wright was quick to attribute blame—directed squarely at the builder. Never one for quiet diplomacy, he complained that the “builder had lied to [him] about the flashing under and within the coping walls” (250) and he was ignorant of the incident because the client had not informed him of the leak. He suggested the client’s silence was undoubtedly due to her “not wishing to hurt [his] feelings”. Although given earlier statements it might be speculated that she did not wish to be accused of pandering to a phobia of leaks. Wright was dismissive of the client’s inconvenience, suggesting she would be able to continue as normal until the next rains the following year and claiming he “fixed the house” once he “found out about it” (250). Implicit in this justification was the idea that it was not unreasonable to expect the client to bear a few days of “discomfort” each year in tolerance of the local climate. In true Wright style, discussions of these problems in his autobiography were self-constructive concessions. While Wright refused to take responsibility for climate-related issues in La Minatura, he was more forthcoming in appreciating the triumphs of his Imperial Hotel in Japan—one of the only buildings in the vicinity to survive the 1923 earthquake. In a chapter of his autobiography titled “Building against Doomsday (Why the Great Earthquake did not destroy the Imperial Hotel),” Wright reproduced a telegram sent by Okura Impeho stating: “Hotel stands undamaged as monument of your genius hundreds of homeless provided perfectly maintained service. Congratulations” (222). Far from unconcerned by nature or climate, Wright’s works celebrated and often went to great effort to accommodate the poetic qualities of these. In reference to his own home, Taliesin, Wright wrote: I wanted a home where icicles by invitation might beautify the eaves. So there were no gutters. And when the snow piled deep on the roofs […] icicles came to hang staccato from the eaves. Prismatic crystal pendants sometimes six feet long, glittered between the landscape and the eyes inside. Taliesin in winter was a frosted palace roofed and walled with snow, hung with iridescent fringes. (173) This description was, in part, included as a demonstration of his “superior” understanding and appreciation of nature and its poetic possibilities; an understanding not always mirrored by his clients. Discussing the Lloyd Lewis House in Libertyville, Illinois of 1939, Wright described his endeavours to keep the house comfortable (and avoid flooding) in Spring, Autumn and Summer months which, he conceded, left the house more vulnerable to winter conditions. Utilising an underfloor heating system, which he argued created a more healthful natural climate rather than an “artificial condition,” he conceded this may feel inadequate upon first entering the space (495). Following the client’s complaints that this system and the fireplace were insufficient, particularly in comparison with the temperature levels he was accustomed to in his workplace (at The Daily News), Wright playfully wrote: I thought of various ways of keeping the writer warm, I thought of wiring him to an electric pad inside his vest, allowing lots of lead wire so he could get around. But he waved the idea aside with contempt. […] Then I suggested we appeal to Secretary Knox to turn down the heat at the daily news […] so he could become acclimated. (497) Due to the client’s disinclination to bear this discomfort or use any such alternate schemes, Wright reluctantly refit the house with double-glazing (at the clients expense). In such cases, discussion of leaks or thermal discomfort were not always negative, but were cited rhetorically implying that perfunctory building techniques were not yet advanced enough to meet the architect’s expectations, or that their creative abilities were suppressed by conservative or difficult clients. Thus discussions of building failures have often been invoked in the social construction of the “architect-genius.” Interestingly accounts of the permeability of Wright’s buildings are more often included in biographical rather that architectural writings. In recent years, these accounts of weatherproofing problems have transformed from accusing letters or statements implying failure to a “badge of honour” among occupants who endure discomfort for the sake of art. This changing perspective is usually more pronounced in second generation owners, like Peter Palumbo (who has also owned Corbusier and Wright designed homes), who are either more aware of the potential problems in owning such a house or are more tolerant given an understanding of the historical worth of these projects. This is nowhere more evident than in a profile published in the real estate section of the New York Times. Rather than concealing these issues to preserve the resale value of the property, weatherproofing problems are presented as an endearing quirk. The new owners of Wright’s Prefab No. 1 of 1959, on Staten Island declared they initially did not have enough pots to place under the fifty separate leaks in their home, but in December 2005 proudly boasted they were ‘down to only one leak’ (Bernstein, "Living"). Similarly, in 2003 the resident of a Long Island Wright-designed property, optimistically claimed that while his children often complained their bedrooms were uncomfortably cold, this encouraged the family to spend more time in the warmer communal spaces (Bernstein, "In a House"). This client, more than simply optimistic, (perhaps unwittingly) implies an awareness of the importance of “the hearth” in Wright’s architecture. In such cases complaints about the weather are re-framed. The leaking roof is no longer representative of gender or power relationships between the client and the uncompromising artistic genius. Rather, it actually empowers the inhabitant who rises above their circ*mstances for the sake of art, invoking a kind of artistic asceticism. While “enlightened” clients of famed architects may be willing to suffer the effects of climate in the interiors of their homes, their neighbours are less tolerant as suggested in a more recent example. Complaints about the alteration of the micro-climate surrounding Frank Gehry’s Walt Disney Concert Hall in Los Angeles prompted the sandblasting of part of the exterior cladding to reduce glare. In 2004, USA Today reported that reflections from the stainless steel cladding were responsible for raising the temperature in neighbouring buildings by more than 9° Celsius, forcing neighbours to close their blinds and operate their air-conditioners. There were also fears that the glare might inadvertently cause traffic problems. Further, one report found that average ground temperatures adjacent to the building peaked at approximately 58° Celsius (Schiler and Valmont). Unlike the Modernist examples, this more recent project has not yet been framed in aid of a critical agenda, and has seemingly been reported simply for being “newsworthy.” Benign Conversation Discussion of the suitability of Modern Architecture in relation to climate has proven a perennial topic of conversation, invoked in the course of recurring debates and criticisms. The fascination with accounts of climate-related problems—particularly in discussing the work of the great Modernist Architects like Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe and Frank Lloyd Wright—is in part due to a certain Schadenfreude in debunking the esteem and authority of a canonical figure. This is particularly the case with one, such as Wright, who was characterised by significant self-confidence and an acerbic wit often applied at the expense of others. Yet these accounts have been invoked as much in the construction of the figure of the architect as a creative genius as they have been in the deconstruction of this figure—as well as the historical construction of the client and the historians involved. In view of the growing awareness of the threats and realities of climate change, complaints about the weather are destined to adopt a new significance and be invoked in support of a different range of agendas. While it may be somewhat anachronistic to interpret the designs of Frank Lloyd Wright or Mies van der Rohe in terms of current discussions about sustainability in architecture, these topics are often broached when restoring, renovating or adapting the designs of such architects for new or contemporary usage. In contrast, the climatic problems caused by Gehry’s concert hall are destined to be framed according to a different set of values—such as the relationship of his work to the time, or perhaps in relation to contemporary technology. While discussion of the weather is, in the conversational arts, credited as benign topic, this is rarely the case in architectural history. References Benton, Tim. The Villas of Le Corbusier 1920-1930. New Haven: Yale UP, 1987. ———. “Villa Savoye and the Architects’ Practice (1984).” Le Corbusier: The Garland Essays. Ed. H. Allen Brooks. New York: Garland, 1987. 83-105. Bernstein, Fred A. “In a House That Wright Built.” New York Times 21 Sept. 2003. 3 Aug. 2009 < http://www.nytimes.com/2003/09/21/nyregion/in-a-house-that-wright-built.html >. ———. “Living with Frank Lloyd Wright.” New York Times 18 Dec. 2005. 30 July 2009 < http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/18/realestate/18habi.html >. Blake, Peter. Mies van der Rohe: Architecture and Structure. 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Gordon, Elizabeth. “The Threat to the Next America.” House Beautiful 95.4 (1953): 126-30, 250-51. Excerpts reproduced in Friedman. Women and the Making of the Modern House. 140-141. Hardarson, Ævar. “All Good Architecture Leaks—Witticism or Word of Wisdom?” Proceedings of the CIB Joint Symposium 13-16 June 2005, Helsinki < http://www.metamorfose.ntnu.no/Artikler/Hardarson_all_good_architecture_leaks.pdf >. Huck, Peter. “Gehry’s Hall Feels Heat.” The Age 1 March 2004. 22 Aug. 2009 < http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/02 /27/1077676955090.html >. Lipman, Jonathan. Frank Lloyd Wright and the Johnson Wax Buildings. Introduction by Kenneth Frampton. London: Architectural Press, 1984. Murphy, Kevin D. “The Villa Savoye and the Modernist Historic Monument.” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 61.1 (2002): 68-89. “New L.A. Concert Hall Raises Temperatures of Neighbours.” USA Today 24 Feb. 2004. 24 Aug. 2009 < http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2004-02-24-concert-hall_x.htm >. Owens, Mitchell. “A Wright House, Not a Shrine.” New York Times 25 July 1996. 30 July 2009 . Sbriglio, Jacques. Le Corbusier: La Villa Savoye, The Villa Savoye. Paris: Fondation Le Corbusier; Basel: Birkhäuser, 1999. Schiler, Marc, and Elizabeth Valmont. “Microclimatic Impact: Glare around the Walt Disney Concert Hall.” 2005. 24 Aug. 2009 < http://www.sbse.org/awards/docs/2005/1187.pdf >. Vandenberg, Maritz. Farnsworth House. Ludwig Mies van der Rohe. Foreword by Lord Peter Palumbo. London: Phaidon Press, 2003. Wright, Frank Lloyd. An Autobiography. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1943.